OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY 
OF 


r 


PLAIN      TRUTH: 

ADDRESSED    TO    THE 

INHABITANTS    OF    AMERICA, 

CONTAINING 

Remarks  on  a  late  Pamphlet, 

INTITLED 

COMMON      S   E.N.S    E  : 

Wherein  are  (hewn,  that  the  Scheme  of  INDEPENDENCE  is  rui- 
nous, delufive,  and  impracticable;  that  were  the  Author's 
Affeverations,  refpecling  the  Power  of  AMERICA,  as  real  as 
nugatory,  Reconciliation  on  liberal  Principles  with  GREAT 
BRITAIN  would  be  exalted  Policy;  and  that,  circumftanced 
as  we  are,  permanent  Liberty  and  true  Happinefs  can  only 
be  obtained  by  Reconciliation  with  that  Kingdom. 

WRITTEN  by  C  AN DIDUS. 

Will-ye  turn  from  Flattery  and  attend  to  this  Side. 

There  TRUTH,  unlicencM,  walk?;  and  dares  accoft 
Even  Kings  themfelves,  the  Monarchsof  the  Free. 

THOMSON  on  the  liberties  of  BRITAIN. 

PHILADELPHIA,.  Printed : 

LONDON,  Reprinted  for  J.  ALMON,  oppofite  BURLINGTON 
HOUSE,  in  PICCADILLY. 

M.DCC.LXXVI. 


T    O 

JOHN     DICKINSON,   ESQJJIRE. 

ALTHOUGH  I  have  not  the  honor  to  be  known 
to  you,  I  am  not  unacquainted  with  your  native 
candor  and  unbounded  benevolence.  As  happy  as  obfcure, 
I  am  indeed  a  Granger  to  the  language   of  adulation  : 
flattery  I  deleft ;   virtue  I  refpeft. 

Be  not  offended,  Sir,  if  I  remark  that  your  character 
is  contemplated  with  profound  veneration  by  the  friends 
of  the  ConfUtution.  Thofe  abilities  which  you  fo  illuf- 
trioufly  difplayed  in  defence  of  the  Conftitution,  they 
now  fupplicate  you  to  exert,  in  faving  it  from  impending 
ruin,  under  the  Syren  form  of  delufive  Independence. 

Step  then  forth;  exert  thofe  talents  with  which  heaven 
has  endowed  you  ;  and  caufe  the  parent  and  her  children 
to  embrace,  and  be  foes  no  more.  Arduous  as  this 
extraordinary  tafk  may  feem,  perhaps  your  virtue  and  ta- 
lents may  yet  effect  it.  Your  endeavors  to  flop  the  effufion 
of  blood,  of  torrents  of  blood,  is  worthy  of  your  acknow- 
ledged humanity  —  even  the  honeft  attempt,  upon  recol- 
lection, will  afford  you  ineffable  fatisfaction. 

My  prefuming  to  infcribe  to  you  the  following  crude  re- 
marks is  to  remind  you,  Sir,  what  your  dift  relied  country 
expects,  nay  loudly  demands  from  your  extenfive  capa- 
city. 

I  beg  you  will  forgive  this  temerity  ;  and  that  you  may 
long  enjoy  the  fruits  of  your  exalted  virtue,  and  remain  an 
honor  to  your  country,  and  to  mankind,  is  the  ardent  wiih 
of, 

SIR, 

Your  mofl  obedient 

and  reffieftfulfervant, 

CANDIDUS. 


M343015 


INTRODUCTION. 


TF,  indignant  at  the  doctrine  contained  in  the  pamphlet 
JL  intitled  Common  Senfe,  I  have  exprefled  myfelf,  in  the 
following   obfervations,  with  fome  ardor,  I  entreat  the 
reader  to  impute  my  indignation  to  honed  zeal  againft  the 
author's  infidious  tenets.  Animated  and  impelled  by  every 
inducement  of  the  human  heart,  I  love,  and  (if  I  dare  fo 
exprefs  myfelf)  I  adore  my  country.     Paffionately  devoted 
to  true  liberty,  I  glow  with  the  pureft  flame  of  patriotifm. 
Silver'd  with  age  as  I  am,  if  1  know  myfelf,  my  humble 
fword  (hall  not  be  wanting   to  my  country  (if  the  mod 
honorable  terms  are  not  tendered  by  the  Britifti  nation) ; 
to  whofe  facred  caufe  I  am  moft  fervently  devoted.     The 
judicious  reader  will  not  impute  my  honeft,  though  bold 
remarks,  to  unfriendly  defigns  againft  my  children — — * 
againft  my  country ;   but  to  abhorrence  of  independency, 
which,  if  effected,  would  inevitably  plunge  our  once  pre- 
eminently envied  country  into  ruin,  horror,  and  defola- 
tion. 


PLAIN 


PLAIN      TRUTH: 

CON   TAINING 
REMARKS  ON  A  LATE  PAMPHLET,  INTITLED 

COMMON     SENSE. 


I  HAVE  now  before  me  the  pamphlet  intitled  Common 
Senfe ;  on  which  I  fhall  remark  with  freedom  and 
candour.  It  may  not  be  improper  to  remind  my  rea- 
der, that  the  inveftigation  of  my  fubject  demands  the  ut- 
mofl  freedom  of  enquiry  ;  I  therefore  entreat  his  indul- 
gence, and  that  he  will  carefully  remember,  that  intemperate 
zeal  is  as  injurious  to  liberty,  as  a  manly  difcuffion  of 
facts  is  friendly  to  it.  "  Liberty,  fays  the  great  Montef- 
quieu,  is  a  right  of  doing  whatever  the  laws  permit;  and 
if  a  citizen  could  do  what  they  forbid,  he  would  no  longer 
be  pofTefled  of  liberty,  becaufe  all  his  fellow  citizens  would 
have  the  fame  power."  In  the  beginning  of  his  pamphlet 
the  author  aflerts,  that  fociety  in  every  ftate  is  a  bleffing. 
This  in  the  fincerity  of  my  heart  I  deny  ;  for  it  is  fupreme 
mifery  to  be  afTcciated  with  thofe  who,  to  promote  their 
ambitious  purpofes,  fiagitioufly  pervert  the  ends  of  poli- 
tical fociety.  I  do  not  fay  that  our  author  is  indebted  to 
Burgh's  -Political  Difquifitions,  or  to  RoufTeau's  Social  Com- 
pact for  his  definition  on  government,  and  his  large  tree; 
although  I  wi(h  he  had  favoured  his  reader  with  the  fol- 
lowing extract  from  that  fublime  reafoner :  "  To  invefti- 
gate  thofe  conditions  of  fociety  which  may  beft  anfwer  the 
purpofe  of  nations,  would  require  the  abilities  of  fome 
fuperior  intelligence,  who  fliould  be  witnefs  to  all  the 
pafllons  of  men,  but  be  fubject  itfelf  to  none,  who  (hould 
have  no  connections  with  human  nature,  but  {hould  have 

A  a  perfect 


2  P  L  A  I  K     T  R  'U  T  H. 

a  perfect  knowledge  of  it :  a  being,  in  fhort,  whofe  hap" 
pinefs  thould  be  independent  gf  us,  and  who  would  ne- 
verthelefs  employ  itfelf  about  us.     It  is  the  province  of 
Gods  to  make  laws  for  men.'*     With  the  utmoft  deference 
to  the  celebrated  Rouffeau,  I  cannot  indeed  imagine,  that 
laws  even  fo   conftrufted,  would   materially  benefit   our 
imperfect  race,  unlefs  Otnnifcience  deigned   previoufly  to 
exalt  our  nature.     The  judicious  reader  will  therefore  per- 
ceive, that  malevolence  only  is  requisite  to  declaim  againft, 
and  arraign  the  moft  perfect  governments.     Our  political 
quack   avails   himfelf  of   this   trite  expedient,    to   cajole 
the  people  into  the  moil  abject  flavery,  under  the  delufive 
name  of  independence.     His  firfl  indecent  attack  is  againft 
the  Englifh  conftitution,  which,  with  all  its  imperfections, 
is,  and  ever  will  be,  the  pride  and  envy  of  mankind.     To 
this  panegyric  involuntarily  our  author  fubfcribes,  by  grant- 
ing individuals  to  be  fafer  in  England,  than  in  any  other 
pan  of    Europe.      He   indeed   infidioufly  attributes   this 
pre-eminent  excellency  to  the  conftitution  of  the  people, 
rather   than  to  our  excellent  conftitution:    to  fuch  con- 
temptible fubterfuge  is  our  author  reduced.     I  would  afk 
him,  why  did   not  the  conftitution  of  the  people  afford 
them  fuperior  fafety,  in  the  reign  of  Richard  the  third, 
Henry  the  eighth,  and  other  tyrannic  princes  ?  Many  pages 
might  indeed  be  filled  with  encomiums  beftowed  on  our 
excellent  conftitution   by  illuftrious  authors  of  different 
nations. 

This  beautiful  fyftem  (according  to  Montefquieu)  our 
conftitution- is  a  compound  of  monarchy,  ariftocracy,  and 
democracy.  But  it  is  often  faid,  that  the  fovereign,  by 
honours  and  appointments,  influences  the  commons.  The 
profound  and  elegant  Hume  agitating  this  queftion,  thinks, 
to  this  circumftance,  we  are  in  part  indebted  for  our  fu- 
preme  felicity  ;  fince,  without  fuch  controul  in  the  crown, 
our  conftitution  would  immediately  degenerate  into  de- 
mocracy ;  a  government  which,  in  the  fequel,  I  hope  to 
prove  ineligible.  Were  I  afked  marks  of  the  beft  govern- 
ment, and  the  purpofe  of  political  fociety,  I  would  reply, 
the  encreafe,  prefervation,  and  profperity  of  its  members ; 
In  no  quarter  of  the  globe  are  ^thofe  marks  fo  certainly 

to 


PLAINTRUTH.  3 

to  be  found,  as  in  Great  Britain  and  her  dependencies. 
After  onr  author  has  employed  feveral  pages  to  break 
the  mounds  of  fociety  by  debafmg  monarchs,  he  fays, 
"  the  plain  truth  is,  that  the  antiquity  of  Englifh  monar- 
chy will  not  bear  looking  into." 

Hume,  treating  of  the  original  contract,  has  the  following 
melancholy,  but  fenfible  obfervation;  "  yet  reafon  tells 
us,  that  there  is  no  property  in  durable  objects,  fuch 
as  lands  and  houfes,  when  carefully  examined,  in  paffing 
from  hand  to  hand,  but  muft  in  fome  period  have  been 
founded  on  fraud  and  injuftice.  The  neceflities  of  human 
fociety,  neither  in  private  or  public  life,  will  allow  of 
fuch  an  accurate  enquiry ;  and  there  is  no  virtue  or  moral 
duty,  but  what  may,  with  facility,  be  refined  away,  if  we 
indulge  a  falfe  philofophy,  in  fifting  and  fcrutinizing,  by 
every  captious  rule  of  logic,  in  every  light  or  pofition  in 
which  it  may  be  placed." 

Say,  ye  votaries  of  honour  and  truth,  can  we  adduce  a 
Aronger  proof  of  our  author's  turpitude,  than  his  quoting 
the  anti-philofophical  ftory  of  the  Jews,  to  debafe  monar- 
chy and  the  beft  of  monarchs.  Briefly  examining  the 
ilory  of  this  contemptible  race,  more  barbarous  than  our 
favages,  we  find  their  hiftory  a  continued  fncceflion  of 
miracles,  aflonifhing  our  imaginations,  and  exercifing  our 
faith.  After  wandering  forty  years  in  horrid  defarts,  they 
are  chiefly  condemned  to  perifti  for  their  perverfenefs,  al- 
though under  the  immediate  dominion  of  the  king  of 
heaven.  At  length  they  arrive  in  the  flerile  country  of 
Paleftine,  which  they  conquer  by  exterminating  the  in* 
habitants,  and  warring  like  demons.  The  inhabitants  of 
the  adjoining  regions  juftly,  therefore,  held  them  in  de- 
tefration,  and  the  Jews  finding  themfelves  conftantly  ab- 
horred, have  ever  fmce  hated  all  mankind.  This  people, 
as  deftitute  of  arts  and  induftry  as  humanity,  had  not 
even  in  their  language  a  word  exprefliveof  education.  We 
might  indeed  remind  our  author,  who  fo  readily  drags  in 
the  Old  Teftament  to  fupport  his  finifter  meafures,  that 
we  could  draw  from  that  fource  many  texts  favourable 
to  monarchy,  were  we  not  confcious  that  the  Mofaic  law 
gives  way  tp  the  gofpel  difpenfation.  The  reader  no 

A  2  (Joubt 


4  -PLAIN    TRUTH. 

doubt  will  be  gratified  by  the  following  extract  from  a 
a  moft  primitive  chriftian:  "  Chriftianity  is  a  fpiritual 
religion,  relative  only  to  celeftial  objects.  The  chriftian's 
inheritance  is  not  of  this  world.  He  performs  his  duty  it 
is  true,  but  this  he  does  with  a  profound  indifference  for 
the  good  or  ill  fuccefs  of  his  endeavours  :  provided  he 
hath  nothing  to  reproach  himfelf,  it  is  of  little  confe- 
quence  to  him  whether  matters  go  well  or  ill  here  below. 
If  the  Hate  be  in  a  fiourimlng  condition,  he  can  hardly 
venture  to  rejoice  in  the  public  felicity,  left  he  fhould 
be  puffed  up  with  the  inordinate  pride  of  his  country's 
glory.  If  the  ftate  decline,  he  bleffes  the  hand  of  God, 
that  humbles  his  people  to  the  duft." 

Having  defined  the  beft  government,  I  will  humbly 
Attempt  to  defcribe  good  kings  by  the  following  unerring 
rule.  The  beil  princes  are  conftantly  calumniated  by  the 
envenomed  tongues  and  pens  of  the  moft  worthlefs  of  their 
fubjecls.  For  this  melancholy  truth,  do  I  appeal  to  the 
teftimony  of  impartial  hiftorians,  and  long  experience. 
The  noble  impartial  hiftorian  Sully,  fpeaking  of  the  al- 
moll  divine  Henry  the  fourth  of  France,  fays,  "  Thus 
-was  this  god-like  prince  reprefented  (by  the  difcontented 
of  thefe  days)  almoft  throughout  his  whole  kingdom,  as 
a  furious  and  implacable  tyrant :  they  were  never  without 
one  fet  of  arguments  to  engage  his  catholic  nobility  in 
a  rebellion  againft  him  ;  and  another  to  fow  feclition  among 
his  proteftant  officers  and  gentry."  Hume  fays,  that  the 
cruel  unrelenting  tyrant,  Philip  the  fecond  of  Spain,  with 
his  infernal  inquifition,  was  not  more  detefted  by  the  peo- 
ple of  the  Netherlands,  than  was  the  humane  Charles 
with  his  inoffenfive  liturgy,  by  his  mutinous  fubjedls.  The 
many  unmerited  infults  offered  to  our  gracious  fovereign. 
by  the  unprincipled  Wilkes,  and  others  down  to  this  late 
author,  will  for  ever  difgrace  humanity.  For  he  fays, 
*'  that  monarchy  was  the  moft  profperous  invention  the 
devil  ever  fet  on  foot  for  the  promotion  of^idolatry.  It  is 
the  pride  of  kings  which  throws  mankind  into  confufion  : 
in  ihort,  continues  this  author,  monarchy  and  fucceMion 
have  laid  not  this  or  that  kingdom  only,  but  the  world 
JQ  hlppd  and  afhes,"  How  deplorably  wretched  the  con- 


PLAINTRUTH.  $ 

ditlon  of  mankind,  could  they  believe  fuch  execrable  flagi-  - 
tious  jargon  !  Unhappily  indeed,  mankind  in  every  age 
are  fufceptible  of  delufien  ;  but  furely  our  author's  poifon 
carries  its  antidote  with  it.  Attentive  to  the  fpirit  of  his 
publication,  we  fancy  ourfelves  in  the  barbarous  fifteenth 
century ;  in  which  period  our  author  would  have  figured 
with  his  "  Common  Senfe" — -and  blood  will  attend  it. 

After  his  terrible  anathema  againft  our  venerable  confti- 
tution  and  monarchy,  let  us  briefly  examine  a  democra- 
ticalflate;  and  fee  whether  or  not  it  is  a  government  lefs 
fanguinary.  This  government  is  extremely  plaufible  and 
indeed  flattering  to  the  pride  of  mankind.  The  dema- 
gogues therefore,  tofeduce  the  people  into  their  criminal  de<- 
iigns,  ever  hold  up  democracy  to  them  ;  although  confci- 
QUS  it  never  did,  nor  ever  will  anfwer  in  practice.  If  we 
believe  a  great  author,  "  there  never  exifted,  nor  ever 
will  exift  a  real  democracy  in  the  world."  If  we  examine 
the  republics  of  Greece  and  Rome,  we  ever  find  them  in 
a  flate  of  war  domeftic  or  foreign.  Our  author  therefore 
makes  no  mention  of  thefe  antient  flates.  "  When  Alex- 
ander ordered  all  the  exiles  to  be  reflored  throughout  all 
the  cities,  it  was  found  that  the  whole  amounted  to  twenty 
thoufand,  the  remains  probably  of  ftill  greater  {laughters 
and  maflacres.  What  an  aftonilhing  number  in  fo  narrow 
a  country  as  antient  Greece?  and  what  domeftic confufion, 
jealoufy,  partiality,  revenge,  heart-burnings  muft  tear  thofe 
cities,  where  factions  were  wrought  up  to  fuch  a  degree 
of  fury  and  defpair  ?"  Appian's  hiftory  of  the  civil  wars  of 
Rome  contains  the  moil  frightful  picture  of  maflacres, 
profcriptions,  and  forfeitures  that  ever  were  prefented  to 
the  world. 

The  excellent  Montefquieu  declares,  "  that  a  democracy 
fuppofes  the  concurrence  of  a  number  of  circumftances  rarely 
united  ;  in  the  firfl  place,  it  is  requifite  that  the  {late  itfelf 
fhould  be  of  fmall  extent,  fo  that  the  people  might  bq 
eafily  aflembled  and  perfojially  known  to  each  other  :  fe- 
condly,  the  fimplicity  of  their  manners  fliould  be  fuch  as 
to  prevent  a  multiplicity  of  affairs,  and  perplexity  in  dif- 
cuffing  them:  and  thirdly,  there  (hould  fubfiil  a  great  de* 
of  equality  between  them,  in  point  of  right  and  autho- 
rity : 


6  P  L  A  I  N    T  R  U  T  H. 

rity :  laftly,  there  fhould  be  little  or  no  luxury,  for  luxry 
muft  either  be  the  effect  of  wealth,  or  it  muft  make  it  ne- 
ceffary ;  it  corrupts  at  once,  both  rich  and  poor  :  the  one, 
by  the  poflfefiion,  and  the  other,  by  the  want  of  it.*'  To 
this  may  be  added,  continues  the  fame  author,  "  that  no 
government  is  fo  fubject  to  civil  wars,  and  inreftine  com- 
motions, as  that  of  the  democratical  or  popular  form ;  be- 
caufe  no  other  tends  fo  ftrongly  and  fo  conftantly  to  alter, 
nor  requires  fo  much  vigilance  and  fortitude  to  prefer ve 
it  from  alteration.  It  is  indeed,  in  fuch  a  conftitution 
particularly,  that  a  citizen  fhould  always  be  armed  with 
fortitude  and  conftancy,  and  (hould  every  day,  in  the 
fincerity  of  his  heart,  guard  againft  corruption,  arifing 
cither  from  felfi(hnefs  in  himfelf,  or  in  his  compatriots  ; 
for  if  it  once  enters  into  public  tranfactions,  to  root  it  out 
afterwards  would  be  miraculous. 

Our  author  aflTerts,  that  Holland  and  Swifferland  are 
without  wars  domefHc  or  foreign.  About  a  century  ago, 
I  lolland  was  in  a  few  weeks  over- run  by  the  arms  of  France, 
and  aloioft  miraculoufly  faved  by  the  gallantry  of  her  Prince 
of  Orange,  fo  celebrated  afterwards  by  the  name  of  William 
the  third.  Almoft  from  that  period,  until  the  treaty  of 
Utrecht,  Holland  was  a  principal  in  wars,  the  moft  expen- 
five  and  bloody,  ever  waged  by  human  kind  :  the  wounds 
(he  then  received  were  unhealed  in  1744,  when  reluctantly 
voufed  from  her  pacific  lethargy,  (he  was  dragged  into  war; 
and  lofmg  her  impregnable  Bergen-op-zoom,  and  Maeftrichr, 
was  again  on  the  brink  of  becoming  a  province  to  France, 
when  happily  liberated  by  the  Britifh  Nation.  In  the  war 
of  1756,  Holland,,  continually  infulted  in  the  capture  of 
her  fliips  by  our  cniifers,  preferred  a  humiliating  neutrality. 
If  victory  indeed  had  not  crowned  the  Britifh  banners, 
the  Dutch  in Jubitabl-y  would  have  affifted  their  natural 
allies,  in  whatever  quarter  of  the  globe  attacked ;  for  it  is 
inconteitibly  true,  that  the  exiftence  of  Holland,  as  a  (rate, 
depends,  and  invariably  will  depend,  on  the  profperity  of 
Great  Britain.  Since  the  murder  of  Barnevelt,  and  t'tie 
immortal  Dswits,  by  the  deluded  furious  people,  Holland 
hath  too  often  been  convulfed  by  anarchy,  and  torn  by 
party.  Unfortunately  alas  !  for  the  caufe  of  humanity, 

3    '  lh« 


PLAIN     TRUTH.  7 

the  rugged  and  incult  deferts  of  SwifTerland  preclude  not 
ambition,  fedition,  and  anarchy.  Her  bleak  and  barren 
mountains  do  not  fo  effectually  fecure  precarious  liberty, 
as  daily  vending  her  fons  to  the  adjoining  nations,  parti- 
cularly to  France,  by  whom  the  Thirteen  Cantons  could 
be  fubjected  in  as  many  days,  did  that  court  meditate  fa 
fenfelefs  and  delufive  an  object.  Nugatory  indeed,  if  we 
confider,  that  France  derives  more  fubftantial  advantage 
from  the  prefent  icate  of  Swiflerland,  than  if  me  exhausted 
herfelf,  to  maintain  numerous  battalions,  to  bridle  the  Can- 
tons. A  moment  let  us  fuppofe,  that  our  author's  afife- 
verations  of  Holland  and  SwifTerland  are  as  real  as  delr- 
five:  his  inferences  do  not  flow  from  his  premifes;  for 
their  fuperior  advantages  do  not  arife  from  their  popular 
government,  but  from  circumftances  of  peculiar  local  feli- 
city, obliging  the  princes  of  Europe  to  defend  them  from 
the  omnipotent  land  force,  if  I  may  fo  fpeak,  of  France. 
After  im potently  attacking  our  fovereign  and  the  confti- 
tution,  he  contradicts  the  voice  of  all  mankind,  by  de- 
claring, that  America  "  would  have  flourifhed  as  much, 
and  probably  much  more,  had  no  European  power  takea 
any  notice  of  her." 

If  he  means,  that  had  this  continent  been  unexplored, 
the  original  inhabitants  would  have  been  happier,  for  once 
I  agree  with  him.  Previous  to  the  fettlement  of  thefe 
provinces  by  our  anceftors,  the  kingdom  of  France  was 
convulfed  by  religious  phrenzy.  This,  and  Sebaftian  Ca- 
bot's prior  difcovery,  perhaps,  happily  afforded  the  people 
of  England  an  opportunity  of  locating  thefe  provinces. 
At  length,  peace  being  reftored  to  France  by  her  hero, 
Henry  the  Fourth,  his  nation  in  turn  were  feized  with  the 
rage  of  colonizing.  Finding  the  English  claimed  the  pro- 
vinces on  the  Atlantic,  they  appropriated  the  fnow  banks 
of  Canada,  which  we  dare  not  fuppofe  they  would  have 
preferred  to  thefe  fertile  provinces,  had  not  the  prior  oc- 
cupancy and  power  of  England  interfered.  I  hope  it  will 
not  be  denied,  that  the  notice  taken  of  us  at  this  time  by 
an  European  power,  was  rather  favourable  for  us. — Cer- 
tain it  is,  had  not  England  then  taken  notice  of  us,  thefe 
delectable  provinces  would  now  appertain  to  France ;  and 

the 


8  PLAIN     TRUTH. 

the  people  of  New  England,  horrid  to  think,  would  now 
be  counting  their  beads.  Some  years  after  the  sera  in  quef- 
tion,  the  civil  wars  intervening  in  England,  afforded  to 
the  Swedes  and  Dutch  a  footing  on  this  continent.  Charles 
the  fecond  being  reflored,  England  reviving  her  claim, 
rendered  abortive  the  Swedish  pretenfions,  and  by  con- 
queft,  and  granting  Surinam  to  the  Dutch,  procured  the 
ceffion  of  their  ufurpation,  now  New  York.  I  do  indeed 
confefs  my  incapacity  to  difcern  the  injury  fuflained  by 
this  fecond  "  notice  taken  of  us  by  an  European  power ;" 
in  default  of  which  intervention,  the  Swedes,  to  this  hour, 
would  have  retained  their  fettlement,  now  the  famed  Penn- 
fylvania ;  and  the  Dutch,  confequently,  had  retained  theirs. 
Some  time  after  this  period,  the  people  of  New  England 
\vere  employed  in  framing  and  executing  laws,  fo  intole- 
rant and  fanguinary,  that  to  us  they  feem  adapted  for 
devils,  and  not  men. 

Indeed  it  is  worthy  of  note,  that  the  inhabitants  of  Ja- 
maica, Barbadoes,  and  Virginia,  at  that  very  time,  enacted 
laws,  breathing  the  fpirit  of  humanity,  and  fuch  as  men 
could  bear.  Soon  after  the  period  in  queftion  arrived  the 
great  and  good  William  Penn,  with  his  philofophic  people 
called  Quakers,  together  with  toleration,  induftry,  and 
permanent  credit.  The  people  of  England,  encouraged 
by  the  extenfion  of  their  laws  and  commerce  to  thofe  co- 
lonies, powerfully  affified  our  merchants  and  planters,  in- 
fomuch,  that  our  fettlements  encreafed  rapidly,  and  throve 
apace.  It  may  be  affirmed,  that  from  this  period,  until 
the  prefent  unhappy  hour,  no  part  of  human  kind  ever 
experienced  more  perfect  felicity.  Voltaire  indeed  fays, 
that  if  ever  the  golden  age  exifted,  it  was  in  Pennfylvania. 
France,  difgufted  with  the  unhappy  fituation  of  her  Ame- 
rican Colonies,  had  long  meditated  the  conqueft  of  one  of 
our  middle  provinces :  to  accomplifh  this  purpofe,  me 
extended  a  line  of  forts  on  our  frontiers,  and  actually  for- 
tified the  place  now  called  Pittfburgh.  Juftly  alarmed  by 
thcfe  encroachments,  in  the  hour  of  our  diftrefs  we  called 
aloud  on  Great  Britain  for  affiftance,  nor  was  {he  deaf  to 
our  cries.  The  Englim  miniflry,  after  in  vain  exhaufting 
all  the  arts  of  negociation,  declared  war  againft  France. 

After 


PLAIN     TRUTH.  ^ 

£fter  fpilling  torrents  of  blood,  after  expending  one  hun- 
dred and  ninety  millions  of-  their  dollars,  and  four  or  five 
millions  of  ours,  they  glorioufly  reduced  the  French 
Settlements.  Surely  it  will  not  be  faid,  that  this  laft 
notice  taken  of  us  by  the  people  of  England,  was  injuri* 
ous  to  us  ?  Our  enemies  indeed  alledge,  that  this  laft  inter- 
vention by  bloating  us  with  pride,  will  eventually  ruin  us, 
and  render  the  people  of  Britain  objects  of  derifion,  for 
Javifhing  their  blood  and  treafure  in  defence  of  provinces; 
"  a  match  not  only  for  Europe  (according  td  our  author) 
but  for  the  world." — Our  author  next  remark?,  "  that 
the  commerce  by  which  (lie  hath  enriched  herfelf,  are  the 
ncceiTaries  of  life,  and  will  always  have  a  market  while  eat- 
ing is  the  cuilcm  of  Europe." 

I  reply,  that  our  exporting  grain  is  as  it  were  of  yefter- 
day  ;  that  the  recent  demand  was  principally  occafioned  by 
the  diftra&ions  in  Poland,  and  other  parts  of  Europe,  and 
probably  will  totally  or  partly  fail,  foon  as  the  fertile  coun- 
try of  Poland,  and  more  fertile  Ukraine,  (hall  again  become 
cultivated.  I  believe  the  Europeans  did  eat  before  our 
merchants  exported  our  grain,  and  perhaps  will  eat  when 
they  ceafe  to  export  it.  I  deny,  that  this  momentary  com- 
merce hath  enriched  us;  and  I  could  adduce  tiumberlefs 
melancholy  proofs  of  the  contrary.  I  fhall  only  remark, 
that  in  the  moil  fertile  and  deledrablfc  wheat  country  in 
America,  bounded  by  Chefopeak-bay,  and  almoft  adjoin- 
ing that  of  Delaware,  a  trad  of  the  beft  wheat  land,  tea 
years  ago,  would  hardly  have  exceeded  a  guinea  and  a  half 
per  acre;  indeed  in  1773,  fuch  land,  covered  with  wood, 
would  fcarcely  have  fold  for  four  guineas  an  acre ;  an  un- 
doubted proof  of  want  of  people,  induftry,  and  wealth; 
particularly  fo,  if  we  confider  that  one  crop  of  corn  and 
wheat  on  fuch  land,  jtidicioufly  cultivated,  would  actually 
repay  the  fuppofed  price.  Our  author  afTert?,  '*  that  our 
prt fen t  numbers  are  fuflicietit  to  repel  the  force  of  all  th<* 
world  ;  that  theContinenthath  at  this  time  the  lafgeil  difci- 
plined  army  of  any  power  under  heaven  ;  that  the  English  navy 
is  only  worth  three  millions  and  a  half  fterling,"  which,  in 
trrecr,  would  reduce  it  to  thirty-five  (hips  of  the  line,  twenty 
/hips  of  forty  guns,  tweuty  of  thirty-fix,  and  eight  of  twenty 
guns.  "  That  if  America  had  only  a  twentieth  part  of  this 

B  force, 


io  PLAIN    TRUTH. 

force,  fhe  would  be  by  far  an  over-match  for  Britain  :  that  in- 
dependence is  necedary,  becaufe  France  and  Spain  cannot 
affid  us  until  fnch  an  event."  He  alfo  affirms,  "  that  Great 
Britain  cannot  govern  us  ;  and  that  no  good  can  arife  froni 
a  reconciliation  with  her." 

I  (hull  humbly  endeavour  to  (hew,  that  our  author  fhame- 
fully  mifreprefents  facts,  is  ignorant  of  the  true  date  of  Great 
Britain  and  her  Colonies,  utterly  unqualified  for  the  arduous 
talk  he  has  prefumptuoufly  adumed,  and  ardently  intent  on 
fed  ucing  us  to  that  precipice  on  which  himfelf  (lands  trembling. 
To  elucidate  my  tinctures,  I  mud:  with  fidelity  expofe  the 
circumdances  of  Great  Britain  and  her  Colonies.  If,  there- 
fore, in  the  energy  of  defcription,  I  unfold  certain  bold  and 
honed  truths  with  fimplicity,  the  judicious  reader  will  re- 
member, that  a  true  knowledge  .of  our  fituation  is  as  eden- 
tial  to  our  fafety  as  ignorance  thereof  may  endanger  it.  In 
the  Englifti  provinces,  excliifive  of  negroe  and  other  flaves, 
we  have  one  hundred  and  fixty  thoufand  or  one  hundred 
and  fevcnty  thbufand  men  capable  of  bearing  arms.  Jf  we 
deduct  the  people  called  Quakers,  Anabaptifts,  and  other  re- 
ligionids  averfe  to  arms,  a  confiderable  part  of  the  emi- 
grants, and  rhofe  having  a  grateful  predilection  for  the  an- 
cient conftitution  and  parent  ft  ate,  we  (hall  certainly  reduce 
the  fir  ft  number  to  filty  or  feventy  thoufand  men.  Now, 
admitting  thofe  equal  to  the  Roman  legions,  can  we  fup- 
pofe  them  capable  of  defending  againft  the  power  of  Bri- 
tain, a  country  nearly  twelve  hundred  miles  extending  on 
the  ocean  ?  Suppofe  our  troops  aflembled  in  New  England, 
if  the  Britains  fee  not  fit  to  a' flail  them,  they  hafte  to  and  de- 
foiate  our  other  provinces,  which  eventually  would  reduce 
New  England.  If,  by  dividing  our  forces,  we  pretend  to 
defend  oar  provinces,  we  alfo  are  infallibly  undone.  Our 
mod  fertile  provinces,  filled  with  unnumbered  domedic  ene- 
mies, flaves,  interfered  by  navigable  rivers,  every  where 
acceiiible  to  ihe  fleets  and  armies  of  Britain,  can  make  no 
defence.  If,  without  the  medium  of  paflion  and  prejudice, 
we  view  our  other  provinces,  half  armed,  dellUute  of  money 
rind  a  navy,  we  mud  confefs,  that  no  power  ever  engaged 
potent  antagonifts  under  fnch  peculiar  circumdances  of 
infelicity.  In  the  better  days  of  Rome,  fae  permitted  no  re- 
gular 


PLAINTRUTH.  11 

gular  troops  to  defend  her.     Men  defthute  of  property  (lie 
admitted  not  into  her  militia  (her  only  army).     I  have  been 
extremely  concerned  at  the  feparation  of  the  Connecticut 
men  from  our  army;   it  augured  not  an  ardent  enthufiaftn 
for  liberty  and  glory.   We  ftill  have  an  army  before  Bofton, 
and  I  fliould  be  extremely  happy  to  hear  fubflantial  proofs 
of  their  glory:   I  am  (till  hopeful  of  great  things  from  our 
army  before  Bofton  when  joined  by  the  regiments  now 
forming,  which  want  of  bread  will  probably  foon  fill.    Not- 
withftanding  the  predilection  I  have  for  my  countrymen,  I 
remark  with  grief,  that  hitherto  our  troops  have  difplayed 
but  few  marks  of  Spartan  or  Roman  enthufiafm.     In  the 
fincerity  of  my  heart  I  adjure  the  reader  to  believe,  that  no 
perfon  is  more  fenfibly  afflicted  by  hearing  the  enemies  of 
America  remark,  that  no  general  ever  ftll  fingly  and  fo  in- 
glorioufly  unrevenged  before  the  inaufpicious  affair  of  Que- 
bec.    I  am  under  no  doubt,  however,  that  we  fhall  become 
as  famed  for  martial  courage  as  any  nation  ever  the  fun  be- 
held.    Sanguine  as  I  am,  refpecting  the  virtue  and  courage 
of  my  countrymen,  depending  on  the  hiftory  of  mankind 
fince  the  Chriftian  aera,  I  cannot  however  imagine,  that  zeal 
for  liberty  will  animate  to  fuch  glorious  efforts  of  heroifm, 
as  religious  enthufiafm  has  often  impelled  its  votaries  to  per- 
form.    If  the  cruel  unrelenting  tyrant  Philip  the  fecond  of 
Spain  had  never  attempted  to  introduce  into  the  Low  Coun- 
tries the  infernal  Tribunal  of  the  Inquifition,  it  is  moil  pro- 
bable, that  the  prefent  States  of  Holland  would  to  this  time 
have  remained  provinces  to  Spain,  and  patiently  paid  the 
fiftieth  penny  and  other  grievous  exactions.     Certain  it  is, 
that  the  fanatics  of  Scotland  and  people  of  England  had 
never  armed  againft  the  firft  Charles,  if  religious  enthufiafm 
had  not  more  powerfully  agirated  their  minds  than  zeal  for 
liberty  ;  the  operations  of  which  on  the  human  mind  hath, 
jince  the  sera  in  queftion,  ever  been  more  languid  than  the 
former  molt  powerful  paflion.     Thefe  hardy  aflertions  are 
fupported  as  well  by  notorious  facts,  as  by   the   learned 
Hume  and  other  judicious  hiflorians.     I  cannot  here  omit 
remarking  the  inconfiftency  of  human  nature.    The  Scotch, 
the  moft  furious  enthufiafts  then  in  Europe,  were  flaughtered 
like  (heep  by  Cromwell  at  Dunbar,  where  their  formidable 

B  2  army 


12  P  L  A  I  N     T  R  U  T  H. 

army  hardly  made  any  refinance,  if  we  except  that  made  by 
a  handful  of  loyalifts,  deflitute  of  that  paffion.  Certain  it 
is,  that  thpfe  emhufiafts  were  often  cut  in  pieces  by  their 
countryman  the  gallant  marquis  of  Montrofe,  \vhofe  troops 
(Highlanders  and  other  loyaliits)  held  Prefbyterianifm  in 
contempt. 

With  the  utmoft  deference  to  the  honorable  Congrefs,  I 
do  not  view  the  mod  diftant  gleam  of  aid  from  foreign 
powers.  The  princes  alone  capable  of  fuccouring  us  are 
the  Sovereigns  of  France  and  Spain,  If,  according  to  our 
Author,  we  pofiels  an  eighth  part  of  the  habitable  globe, 
and  actually  have  a  check  on  the  Weft  India  commerce  of 
EnpUnd,  the  French  indigo  and  other  valuable  Weft  India 
com-nodities,  and  the  Spanifh  galeons,  are  in  great  jeopardy 
from  our  power.  The  French  and  Spaniards  are  therefore 
yvrctched  politians,  if  they  do  not  ailiil:  England  in  reducing 

her  colonies  to  obedience. Plenfantry  aparr,   can  we  be 

fo  deluded  to  expect  aid  from  thofc  princes,  which,  infpir- 
ing  their  fnbjects  with  a  relifii  for  liberty,  might  eventually 
{hake  their  arbitrary  th  IT.  les— Natural  avowed  enemies  to 
our  facred  caufe,  will  thcycherifh,  will  they  fupport  the  flame 
of  liberty  in  America,  ardently  intent  on  extingnifhing  its  la- 
tent dyins;  fparks  in  iheir  respective  dominions  ?  Can  we  be- 
lieve, that  thofe  princes  will  offer  an  example  fo  dangerous 
to  their  fubjects  and  colonies,  by  aiding  thpfe  provinces  to 
independence?  If  independent,  aggrandized  by  infinite 
numbers  from  every  part  of  Europe,  this  continent  would 
rapidly  attain  power  aftoni/hirig  to  imagination.  Soon,  very 
fpon,  would  we  be  conditioned  to  conquer  Mexico,  and  all 
their  Weft  India  fettlements,  which  to  annoy,  or  poflefs,  wq 
indeed  are  moft  happily  fituatecl.  Simple  and  obvious  as 
t'hefe  truths  are,  can  they  be  unknown  to  the  people  and 
princes  of  Europe  ?  Be  it  however  admitted,  that  thofc 
princes,  unmindful  of  the  fatal  policy  of  Richlieu's  arming 
Charles's  fubjeels  againft  him,  and  the  more  fatal  policy  of 
I>ewis  the  fourteenth  permitting  our  glorious  deliverer  to  ef- 
fect the  Revolution  :  I  fay,  be  it  admitted  that  thofe  princes, 
regardlefs  of  future  confequences  and  the  ineptitude  of  the 
times,  are  really  difpofed  to  fuccour  us  j  fay,  ye  friends  of 
liberty  and  mankind,  would  no  danger  accrue  h,om  ail  army 


PLAIN     TRUTH,  23 

$f  French  and  Spaniards  in  the  bofom  of  America  ?  Would 
you  not  dread  their  junction  with  the  Canadians  and  Sa- 
vages, and  with  the  numerous  Roman  Catholics  difperfed 
throughout  the  Colonies  ? 

Let  us  now  briefly  view  the  pre-eminently  envied  ftate  of 
Great  Britain'  If  we  regard  the  power  of  Britain,  unembai> 
raffed  with  continental  connexions  and  the  political  balance, 
we  may  juftly  pronounce  her  what  our  author  does  America, 
"  A  match  for  all  Europe."  Amazing  were  the  efforts  of 
England  in  the  war  of  Queen  Ann,  when  little  benefited  by 
colony  commerce,  and  ere  (he  had  availed  herfelf  of  the 
courage,  good  fenfe,  and  numbers  of  the  people  of  Scotland 
and  Ireland. 

That  England  then  prefcribed  laws  to  Europe,  will  be 
long  remembered.  Laft  war  her  gUry  was,  if  pofiible, 
m<>re  eminently  exalted  :  in  every  quarter  of  the  globe  did 
victory  hovtr  iound  her  armies  and  navies,  and  her  fame  re- 
echoed from  pole  to  pole  :  at  prcient  Great  Britain  is  the 
umpire  of  Europe.  It  is  not  exaggeration  to  affirm,  that 
the  Ruffians  principally  are  indebted  for  their  laurels  to  her 
power,  which  alpne  rerained  France  from  preventing;  .the 
ruin  of  her  anciem  faithful  ally  the  Ottoman  Porte.  Super- 
fluous it  were  to  enumerate  her  powerful  alliances,  or  men- 
tion her  immenfe  refources :  her  i ailing  the  incredible  fums 
of  eighteen,  nineteen,  and  twenty-two  millions  fterling  for 
the  fervice  of  the  years  1759,  60,  and  61,  was  more  afton- 
iihing  to  Europe  than  the  victories  of  her  fleets  and  armies. 
The  annual  rents  of  the  kingdom  of  England  only,  many 
years  ago,  amounted  to  thirty-three  millions  fterling.  Thirty- 
five  millions  buihels  of  wheat  are  annually  produced  in  that 
kingdom,  and  perhaps  as  many  bufhels  of  other  grain. 
Twelve  millions  ot  fleeces  of  wool  are  there  yearly  fhorn. 
In  fhort,  the  kingdom  is  a  perfect:  bee- hive  in  numbers 
and  induftry ;  and  is  faid  to  contain  more  induftry,  confe- 
quently  more  wealth,  than  all  the  reft  of  Europe.  The 
famed  Hume  fays,  "  I  mould  as  foon  dread,  that  all  our 
rivers  and  fprings  mould  be  exhaufted,  as  that  money 
(houlvl  abandon  a  kingdom,  where. .there  are  people  and  in- 
duftry." The  Britifh  navy,  at  the  clofe  of  the  laft  war,  con- 
lifted  of  nearly  two  hundred  fhips  of  the  line,  and  one  hundred 

larce 


*4  P  L  A  I  N     T  R  U  T,  H. 

large  frigates,  and  about  one  hundred  fmaller  frigates, 
or  other  armed  vefTels.  Since  the  peace,  I  believe,  the 
navy  has  been  mofl  vigilantly  preferved  by  lord  Sand- 
wich, (faid  to  be  as  equal  to  that  arduous  department  as  any 
man  in  Europe).  Since  the  war,  feveral  capital  {hips 
have  annually  been  built;  and  it  is  mofl  certain,  that 
on  fix  months  notice  Great  Britain  could  equip  fleets, 
fufEciently  formidable,  to  contend  with  all  the  naval  forc£ 
that  could  or  would  aft  againft  her.  The  immenfe 
quantity  of  naval  and  other  (lores,  in  the  different  arfenals, 
with  the  royal  navy*,  cannot  at  this  time  be  worth  leis 
than  twenty  millions  flerling.  The  ifland  of  Great  Bri- 
tain, between  fix  and  feven  hundred  miles  in  length,  and 
upwards  -of  two  thoufand  miles  in  circumference,  and 
being  every  where  indented  with  harbours,  forms  (with 
other  caufes)  fuch  nurferies  of  feamen  as  the  world  can- 
riot  produce. 

Let  us  now  examine  our  author's  account  of  the  navy 
of  Great  Britain.  "  It  is,  fays  he,  worth  no  more  than 
three  millions  and  a  half  fteiTmg."  This  in  effect  will 
reduce  it  to  ten  fecond  rate  (hips  of  war,  ten  third  rate, 
fifteen  fourth  rate,  ten  (hips  of  forty  guns,  ten  of  thirty- 
fix,  and  eight  of  twenty.  "  If  America,  fays  he,  had 
only  a  twentieth  part  of  the  naval  force  of  Britain,  (he 
would  be  by  far  an  over-match  for  her;  becaufe,  as  we  nei- 
ther have  or  claim  any  foreign  dominion,  our  whole  force 
would  be  employed  on  our  own  coaft  ;  where  we  fhould 
in  the  long-run  have  two  to  one  the  advantage  of  thofe 
who  had  three  or  four  thoufand  miles  to  fail  over  before 
they  could  attack  us,  and  the  fame  diftance  to  return,  in 
order  to  refit  and  recruit.  And  although  Britain  by  her 
fleet  hath  a  check  over  our  trade  to  Europe,  we  have  as 
large  a  one  over  her  trade  to  the  Weft  Indies,  which,  by 
laying  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Continent,  lies  entirely 
at  its  mercy." 

Were  it  lawful  to  joke  on  fo  ferious  an  occafion,  I 
would  remind  the  reader  of  our  author's  modcfty,  in  fay- 
ing, "  that  we  claim  no  foreign  dominion  ;"  fmce  we 

*  Seventeen  capital  fhips  were  built  from  1763  until  1771. 


PLAIN    TRUTH.  15 

have  the  moft  numerous  and  beft  difciplined  army  under 
the  heaven,  and  a  navy  fufficiently  ftrong  to  combat  that 
of  Great  Britain  ;  for  our  preferit  naval  armament  cornpofe 
a  fleet  more  than  equal  to  a  twentieth  part  of  the  Britifh 
navy  (according  to  our  author's  e(limation).  Notwith- 
ftanding  our  author's  delicacy,  relying  on  the  well  knowii 
utility  of  melafles  to  the  New-England  governments,  I 
hope  they  will  order  admiral  Manly  to  feize  Jamaica  and 
the  other  Weft  India  iflands.  The  admiral  cannot  be  at 
a  lofs  for  men ;  fince,  according  to  our  author,  "  a  few 
focial  failors  will  foon  inftruct  a  fufficient  number  of  active 
land-men  in  the  common  work  of  a  (hip/'  I  do  indeed 
confefs,  that  the  Britim  mips  of  war  are  conftantly  equipi: 
altogether  with  very  fociai  failors;  and  as  conftantly  drub 
the  French  fhips,  double  mann'd  with  active  land  men, 
tho'  fufficiently  inftrncled  by  a  few  focial  failors.  The 
reader  will  perceive,  that  our  author  has  humbled  the 
naval  power  of  Britain  with  more  facility  than  France 
and  Spain  could  have  done;  and  has  alfo  expelled  hei* 
from  our  ports  with  happier  fuccefs  than  did  Spain,  who 
\vas  compelled  to  yield  her  Gibraltar  and  Portmahon  for 
the  conveniency  of  her  fleets  and  commerce, 

We  muft  indeed  allow,  that  Spain,  tho'  poflefled  of 
Mexico  and  Peru,  cannot  maintain  the  moft  numerous  and 
bed  difciplined  army  under  heaven,  nor  equip  a  navy 
fit  to  contend  with  the  fleets  of  Britain.  It  mull:  alfo  be 
confefled,  that  he  makes  Great  Britain  very  favourably 
difpofe  of  her  humbled  navy,  by  employing  nineteen  parts 
of  it  in  the  Mediterranean,  Afia,  Africa,  and  I  know  not 
where  ;  when  he  knows  we  have  fo  great  a  check  on 
her  Weft  India  trade,  a  commerce  of  the  laft  importance 
to  her. 

1  would  blum  for  poor  human  nature,  did  I  imagine 
that  any  man,  other  than  a  bigot,  could  believe  thefe 
ridiculous  ftories,  .thefe  arrant  gafconades,  refpecting  our 
numerous  and  beft  difciplined  army  under  heaven,  about 
our  navy,  and  a  few  focial  failors,  and  that  France  and 
Spain  will  not  affift  us  (who  by- the- by,  according  to  our 
author,  are  able  to  conquer  them)  until  playing  upcn 
j  We  declare  ourfelves  independent.  Can  a  reafon- 

able 


J6  F  LA  I  ft      TkU  T  I?. 

able  being  for  a  moment  believe  that  Great  Britain,  whoft 
political  exigence  depends  on  our  conftitutional  obedience, 
who  but  yefterday  made  fuch  prodigious  efforts  to  fave  us 
from  France,  will  not  exert  heffelf  as  powerfully  to  pre- 
ferve  us  from  our  frantic  fchemes  of  independency  ?  Can 
\ve  a  moment  doubt,  that  the  fovereign  of  Great  Britain 
and  his  minifters,  whofe  glory  as  well  as  perfonal  fafety 
depends  on  our  obedience,  will  not  exert  every  nerve 
•of  the  Britifh  power'  to  fave  themfelves  arid  us  from 
ruin  ? 

"Much,  fays  our  author,  has  been  faid  of  the  flrength 
of  Britain  and  the  Colonies,  that  in  conjunction  they 
might  bid  defiance  to  the  world  ;  but  thrs  is  mere  prefump- 
ticn  ;  the  fate  of  war  is  uncertain." 

Excellent  reafoning,  and  truly  confident  with  our  au- 
thor !  We  of  ourfeives  are  a  match  for  Europe,  nay 
for  the  world  ;  but  in  junction  with  the  moil:  formidable 
power  on  earth,  why  then  the  matter  is  mere  prefump- 
tion  ;  the  fate  of  war  is  uncertain.  It  is  indeed  humi- 
Kating  to  confider  that  this  author  fhould  vamp  np  a 
form  of  government  for  a  confiderable  part  of  mankind  ; 
and  in  cafe  of  its  fucceeding,  that  he  probably  would  be 
one  of  our  tyrants,  until  we  prayed  fome  more  illuftrious 
tyrant  of  the  army  to  fpurn  him  to  his  primeval  obfcu- 
J'ity;  from  all  his  ill-got  honours  flung,  turned  to  that 
dirt  from  whence  he  fprting.  "  A  government  of  our 
own  is  our  natural  right,"  fays  our  author.  "  Had  right 
decided,  and  not  fate  the  caufe,  Rome  had  preferved 
her  Cato  and  her  laws,'*  Unfortunately  for  mankind, 
thofe  are  fine  founding  words,  which  feldom  or  ever 
influence  human  affairs  ;  if  they  did,  inftead  of  appro- 
priating the  vacant  lands  to  fchemes  of  ambition,  we  mult 
Jnflantly  deputife  envoys  to  the  Indians,  praying  them  to 
re-enter  their  former  pofTeflions,  and  permit  us  quietly  to 
depart  to  the  country  of  our  anceftors,  where  we  would 
be  welcome  guefts.  But,  continues  our  author,  "  what 
have  we  to  do  with  fetting  the  world  at  defiance  ?  our 
plan  is  commerce,  and  that  well  attended  to,  will  fecure 
us  the  peace  and  friendfhip  of  ail  Europe;  becaule  it  is 
the  intereft  of  all  Europe  to  have  America  a  free  port^ 

her 


P  L  A  I  N    T  R  U  T  H.  i) 

her  trade  will  always  be  her  protection,  and  her  bar- 
rennefs  of  gold  and  filver  will  fecure  her  from  inva- 
ders." 

I  am  perfectly  fatisfied,    that  we  are  in  no  condition 
to  fet  the  world  at  defiance,  that  commerce  and  the  pro- 
tection  of  Great  Britain  will  fecure  us  peace,    and  the 
friendfhip  of  all  Europe  :   but  I  deny,  that  it  is  the  interefl 
of  all   Europe  to  have  America  a  free  port,  unlefs  they 
are  defirous  of  depopulating  their  dominions.     His  a/Ter- 
tians, that  barrennefs  of  gold  and  filver  will  fecure  us 
from  invaders,  is  indeed  highly  pleafant:    have  we   not 
a  much  better  fecurity  from  invafions  ?  viz.  the  moll  nu- 
merous and  beft  difciplined  army  under  heaven ;  or  has  our 
author  already  difbanded  them  ?  Pray  how  much  gold  and 
filver  do  the  mines  of  Flanders  produce?  and  what  coun- 
try fo   often  has  feen  its  unhappy  fields  drenched  with 
blood,  and  fertilized  with  hmftan  gore?  The  princes  "of 
Europe  have  long  dreaded  the   emigration  of  their  fub-  - 
jecls  to  America;  and  we  are  fenfible,  that  the  king  of 
Pruilia  is  faid  more  than  once  to  have  hanged  newlanders, 
or  thofe  who  feduced   his  fubjefts    to  emigrate.     I  alfo 
humbly   apprehend,    that   Britain   is   a   part  of  Europe. 
Now,  old  gentleman,  as  you  have  clearly  (hewn,  that  we 
have  a  check  upon   her  Weft  India  trade,  is  it  her  in- 
tereft  to  give  us  a  greater  check  upon  it,  by  permitting 
America  (as  you  exprefs  it)  to  become  a  free  port  ?  can 
we  fuppofe   it   to   be   her   intereft   to   lofe   her   valuable 
commerce  to  the  Colonies,  which  effectually  me  would  do, 
by  giving  up  America  to  become  your  free  port  ?  if  there- 
fore it  is  the  intereft  of  all    Europe   to   have  America  a 
free  port,  the  people  of  Britain  are  extremely  fimple   to 
expend  fo  many  millions  fterling  to   prevent  it.     "  It  is 
repugnant   to  the   nature  of  things,  to  all  examples  from 
former  ages,  to  fuppofe  that  this  Continent  can  long  re- 
main fubjecl  to  any  external  power." 

Antiquity  affords  us  no  ecclaircifTerhent  reflecting  the 
future  government  of  America.  Rome,  fi tinted  in  a  fteril 
corner  of  Italy,  long,  long  retained  the  then  world  in 
chains,  and  probably  had  maintained  her  dominion  long- 
er, had  not  the  Crofs,  removing  the  empire  to  Byzantium, 

C  weakened 


i8          ,        PLAIN      TRUTH. 

weakened  the  eagles,  and  in  turn  juflly  been  deflroyed  by 
the  Barbarians.  I  fee  no  reafon  to  doubt,  that  Great 
Britain  may  not  long  retain  us  in  conftitutional  obedience. 
Time,  the  deftroyer  of  human  affairs,  may  indeed  end  her 
political  life  by  a  gentle  decay ;  like  Rome,  {he  may  be 
conftrained  to  defend  herfelf  from  the  Huns  and  Alaricks 
of  the  north.  Ingratefully  fhould  we  endeavour  to  pre- 
cipitate her  political  demife  ;  (he  will  devife  every  expedient 
to  retain  our  obedience,  and  rather  than  fail,  will  partici- 
pate thofe  provinces  amongft  the  potent  flates  of  Europe. 
"  The  authority  of  Great  Britain  over  this  continent  is  a 
form  of  government  which  fooner  or  later  mufr,  have  an 
end." 

This  I  have  granted  ;  and  I  add,  that  a  million  of  revo- 
lutions may  happen  on  this  continent,  for  every  one  of 
which  I  am  not  indeed  fo  over  felicitous  as  our  Phoenix  of 
whims,  the  author  of  Common  Senfe.  "  The  Colonies 
have  manifefted  fuch  a  fpirit  of  good  order  and  obedience 
to  continental  government,  as  is  fufficient  to  make  every 
perfon  happy  on  that  head." 

What  is  this  union  fo  highly  vaunted  of  ?  whence  the 
inarching  and  counter- marching  through  almofr,  every  pro- 
vince to  difarm  thofe  denominated  tories  ? — I  perfectly 
ngree,  that  glorious  is  our  union — I  execrate  thofe  who  fay, 
it  has  been  cemented  by  every  fpecies  of  fraud  and  violence  ; 
yet  notwithftanding  I  dread  its  fragility,  were  an  army  of 
Britons  in  the  middle  of  our  country.  As  the  author  of 
Common  Senfe  is  now  in  the  grand  monde,  and  cannot  be 
acquainted  with  the  language  of  many  people  in  the  pro- 
vinces, I  will  communicate  the  general  purport  of  their 
difcourfe. — "  We,  fay  they,  do  not  fee  through  thewifdorn 
of  the  prefent  times.  We  remember  with  unfeigned 
gratitude  the  many  benefits  derived  through  our  connections 
with  Great  Britain,  by  whom  but  yeflerday  we  were  eman- 
cipated from  flavery  and  death.  We  are  not  indeed  un- 
aware, that  Great  Britain  is  uniformly  reproached  with 
defending  us  from  interefted  motives.  In  like  manner, 
however,  may  every  iiigrate  reproach  his  benefactor  ;  fmce 
all  benefactions  may  be  faid  to  flow  from  no  purer 
fountain.  Wuh  predilection  we  view  our  parent  ftate,  and 

wiihfully- 


PLAIN      TRUTH.  19 

\vifbfully  contemplate  on  our  late  felicity,  almoft  realizing 
that  flate  of  old,  fo  beautifully  feigned  by  the  poets.  We 
venerate  the  conflitution,  which  with  all  its  imperfections 
(too  often  exaggerated)  we  apprehend  almofl  approaches  as 
near  to  perfection  as  human  kind  can  bear.  We  mudder 
at  the  idea  of  arming  with  more  virulence,  more  un- 
remitting ardour,  againft  the  parent  flate  than  againft 
France  ;  by  whom  our  rights,  civil  as  well  as  religious, 
certainly  were  more  imminently  endangered.  With  horror 
we  refleft  on  the  former  civil  wars,  .when  every  crime, 
odious  and  baneful  to  human  nature,  were  alternately  per- 
petrated by  the  foldiers,  particularly  by  the  Independents." 

11  Every  quipt  method  of  peace  has  been  ineffectual : 
our  prayers  jxive  been  rejected  with  difdain."  I  do  not 
indeed  agree  with  the  people  of  England  in  faying,  that 
thofe  who  fo  fuccefsfully  laboured  to  widen  the  breach — 
defired  nothing  lefs  than  peace.  That  they  who  fhortly 
were  to  command  the  molt  numerous  and  beft  difciplined 
army  under  heaven,  and  a  navy  fit  to  contend  with  the 
fleets  of  England,  imagining  the  time  had  found  us,  dif- 
dained  to  be  jufl.  I  highly  venerate  a  majority  of  the 
Delegates :  I  have  not  indeed  the  honour  of  knowing  all 
the  worthy  members  ;  however,  1  wifh  the  gentlemen  of 
the  Congrefs,  ere  they  entered  on  their  important  charge, 
had  been  better  acquainted  with  the  flrength  of  our  friends 
in  parliament.  I  fincerely  lament  that  the  King  did  not 
receive  the  lajft  excellent  petition  from  the  Congrefs ;  and  I 
as  fincerely  wifh  that  the  gentlemen  of  the  Congrefs  had  not 
addrefTed  themfelves,  at  that  juncture,  to  the  people  of 
Ireland.  "  As  to  government  matters,"  (continues  our 
author)  "  it  is  not  in  the  power  of  Britain  to  do  this  con- 
tinent juftice  :  the  bufmefs  of  it  will  foon  be  too  weighty 
and  intricate  to  be  managed  with  any  tolerable  degree  of 
convenience  by  a  power  fo  very  diftant  from  us,  and  fo 
very  ignorant  of  us  ;  for  if  they  cannot  'Conquer  us,  they 
cannot  govern  us.  The  difference  between  Pennfylvania 
and  Connecticut,  refpecting  fome  unlocated  lands,  (hews 
the  infigniflcance  of  a  Britifli  government,  and  fully  proves, 
that  nothing  but  continental  authority  can  regulate  coml- 
pental  matters/' 

C>  Until 


20  PLAIN      TRUTH. 

Until  the  prefent  unhappy  period,    Great  Britain   has 
afforded  to  all  mankind  the  moft  perfect  proof  of.  her  wife, 
lenient,  and  magnanimous  government  of  the  Colonies — > 
the    proofs   to  which  we  already  have   alluded,  viz.  our 
fupreme  felicity  and  amazing  increafe.     Than  the  affair  of 
the  Connecticut  invaders,  Omnipotence  only  could  grant 
us  ftrongcr   reafons    for    praying    a    continuance  of    our 
former  beneficent  government.     Mod  certainly  every  dif- 
paffionate  perfon,  as  well  as  the  plundered  Pennfylvaninns, 
rnuit  cbnfefs,  that  the  arm  of  Great  Britain  alone  detained 
thofe  free-booters  aforefaid  from  felling  the  city  of  Phila- 
delphia, to  which  without  all  doubt   they^  have  as  juft  a- 
claim  as  to  thofe  fertile  regions  in  Pennfylvania  which  they 
furreptitloufly  have  poflelfed   themfelves  of.     In  wrath  to 
mankind,  fhould   heaven  permit  our  author's  new-fangled 
government  to  exift,  I,  as  a  friend  to  Pennfylvanians,  ad- 
vife  them  to  explore  new  fettlcments,  and  avoid  the  cruej. 
mortification  of  being  expelled  by  the  Saints  from  their 
delicious    abodes  and    pleaflng  fields. — "  But    (fays    tne 
author)  the  molt  powerful  argument  is,  that  nothing  but 
independence  (that  is,  a  continental  form  of  government) 
can  keep  the  peace  of  the  continent,    and  preferve   it  in- 
violate from  civil  wars.     I  dread  the  event  of  a  reconciliation 
EOW  with  Britain,  as  it  is   more  than  probable  it  will  be 
folio \ved  by  revolt  fome where;    the  confequences  of  which 
may  be  far  more   fatal   than    all   the    malice  of   Britain. 
Thoufands  are  already  ruined  by  Britifh  barbarity,  thou- 
funds  more  will  probably  (hare  the  fame  fate.     Thefe  men 
have  other  feelings  than  thofe  who  have  nothing  fuffered  ; 
all  they  now  poffefs  is  liberty  ;  what  they  before  enjoyed  is 
facrificed  to  its  fervice,  and  having  nothing  more  to  lofe, 
they  difdain  all  fubmiffion." 

Here  we  cannot  mifhike  our  author's  meaning,  that  if 
one  or  more  of  the  middle  or  fouthern  Colonies  reconcile 
with  Great  Britain,  they  will  have  war  to  fuftain  with  New 
England,  "  the  confequences  of  which  may  be  more  detri- 
memal  than  all  the  malice  of  Britain."  This  terrible  de- 
nunciation, fortunately  for  fuch  Colonies,  is  as  futile  as  its 
author.  Should  Great  Britain  re-eftablifti  her  authority  in 
fhe  faid  Colonies  by  negotiation,  furely  it  is  not  temerity 

to 


P'L  A  I  N     T  RU  T  H.  /      21 

to  add,  that  the  weight  of  Britain,  in  the  fcales  of  thofe 
provinces,  would  preponderate  againit  the  power  of  New 
England.  If  Britain  mould  reduce  the  Colonies  by  arms 
(which  may  heaven  avert!)  the  New  England  provinces  Will 
have  as  little  inclination  as  ability  to  difhirb  the  peace  of 
their  neighbours.  I  do  indeed  moil:  fincerely  compaflionate 
thofe  unhappy  men  who  are  ruined  by  our  unfortunate 
diffractions.  I  do  fervently  pray,  that  Britain  and  the 
Colonies  may  moft  effectually  confider  .their  peculiar  in- 
felicity :  fuch  attention  will  do  infinite  honour  to  the 
parent  ftate,  who  cannot  view  them  as  enemies,  but  as 
men  unhappily  irritated  by  the  impolitic  meafures  of  Great 
Britain.  "  The  diminution  of  trade  affords  an  army,  and 
the  necefHties  of  an  army  create  a  new  trade"  (fo  fays  our 
author).  I  am  furprized  the  miniftry,  fo  often  reproached 
with  ruining  the  commerce  of  Britain,  never  urged  (what 
was  never  thought  or  faid  before)  oiir  author's  excellent 
axiom,  "  that  the  diminution,  &c."  Certain  it  is,  the 
minority  had  replied,  fmce  the  commencement  of  this 
.century,  the  diminution  of  the  commerce  of  France  hath 
afforded  her  nearly  one  million  of  foldiers ;  but  the 
neceflities  of  this  prodigious  number  of  troops  created  her 
fo  bad  a  commerce,  that  (he  hath  twice  proved  bankrupt 
iince,  and  more  than  once  experienced  the  miferies  of 
famine. 

"  If  premiums  (fays  our  author)  were  to  be  given  to 
merchants  to  build  and  employ  in  their  fervice  fhips 
mounted  with  20,  30,  40,  or  50  guns,  the  premiums  to 
be  in  proportion  to  the  lofs  of  bulk  to  the  merchants ; 
fifty  or  fixty  of  thofe  fhips,  with  a  few  guard  fhips  on 
confhnt  duty,  would  keep  up  a  fufftcient  navy,  and  that 
without  burdening  ourfelves  with  the  evil  fo  loudly  com- 
plained of  in  England,  of  fuffering  their  fleets  in  time  of 
peace  to  lie  rotting  in  their  docks." — Yield  the  palm  of  in- 
genuity to  our  author,  ye  De  Wits,  Colberts,  Pelhams,  and 
Pitts.  He  hath  outdone  ye  by  confrrucYmg  a  beautiful 

navy,     alas  !    on    paper  only. Firft,    no    nation   in 

Europe  depends  on  fuch  (hips  for  her  defence.  Secondly, 
fuch  fhips  would  be  unfit  to  contend  with  capital  fhips. 
Thirdly,  in  the  hour  of  danger,  thefe  fhips  on  their  voyage 

or 


*2  PLAIN     TRUTH. 

or  return  would  alternately  be  taken  by  an  active  enemy, 
Lartly,  fix  times  as  many  fuch.  {hips  would  be  unequally 
matched  with  that  part  of"  the  naval  power  of  Great  Britain, 
which  (he  actually  could  fpare  to  combat  on  our  coafts. 
This  cannot  be  thought  exaggeration,  if  we  confider  that 
the  Britifh  navy,  laft  war,  carried  about  feyenteen  thoufand 
guns,  and  upwards  of  ninety-five  thoufand  focial  fcamen. 
•*  No  country  (fays  our  author)  is  fo  happily  fituated,  or 
internally  capable  of  raifing  a  fleet  as  America.  Tar, 
timber,  iron,  and  cordage,  are  her  natural  produce."  He 
fpeaks  of  forming  a  fleet  as  if  he  could  do  it  by  his  fiat. 
A  third  rate  (hip  of  the  line  fitted  for  fea  is  allowed  to  coil 
74,000 1.  fterling,  which  at  the  prefent  exchange  is  about 
129,000!.  Now  as  labour,  fail  cloth,  cordage,  and  other 
requifites  are  dearer  than  in  Europe,  we  may  reafonably 
fuppofe  the  advanced  price  at  twenty-five  per  cent,  which 
makes  the  amount  154,000!.  We  mult  next  fuppofe  our 
navy  equal  to  that  of  France,  which  confifts  of  iixty-four 
Jhips  of  the  line  (fifty  gun  (hips  inclufive)  twenty-five 
frigates,  with  jfhips  of  inferior  force.  In  cafe  of  inde- 
,  pendence,  we  cannot  admit  a  fmaller  naval  force.  Indeed, 
when  joined  to  the  fleets  of  France  and  Spain,  the  navies 
fo  united,  and  navigated  principally  by  landfmen,  inltructed 
by  a  few  focial  Jailors,  will  be  vaftly  inferior  to  thefquadrons 
of  Britain.  The  amount  therefore  of  fuch  a  navy  will  only 
require  the  trifling  fum  of  12,625,000!.  currency,  which 
I  am  very  willing  to  believe  we  can  fpare,  being  fcarccly  one 
fourth  the  value  of  our  property  real  and  perfonal.  With 
excellent  management,  our  navy  would  lafl  eight,  nine,  or 
ten  years  :  we  therefore  would  find  it  extremely  con- 
venient to  rebuild  it  conitantly  at  the  expiration  of  that 
term  :  of  this  there  cannot  be  a  doubt,  when  we  remember 
xvith  our  author,  "  that  <  (hip-building  is  America's  greated 
pride.  The  vaft  empire  of  Ruffia  is  almoil:  (hut  out  from 
the  fen,  wherefore  her  boundlefs  forefls,  her  tar,  iron,  and 
cordage,  are  only  articles  of  commerce."  I  reply,  that 
JRuflia  containing  ten  times  our  numbers,  is  destitute  of 
incluflry  and  commerce.  She  has  ports  fufficient  to  build 
and  contain  a  navy  to  fubdue  the  world.  Deftitute,  as  we 
have  remarked,  of  induftry  and  commerce,  her  navy  is  in- 

confiderable; 


P  L  A  I  N    T  R  U  T  H.  23 

confiderable  j  and  being  equipt  with  landfrnen,  cannot 
figure  againft  mips  navigated  by  focial  failors.  Who  can 
doubt  the  ability  of  Spain  to  build  a  navy  as  formidable  as 
that  permitted  to  Great  Britain  (by  the  author  of  Common 
Senfe).  In  her  ifland  of  Cuba,  poiTeiTed  ef  an  immenfity 
of  fine  cedar,  (he  might  conftruct  a  navy  as  formidable  as 
that  of  Great  Britain,  but  to  what  purpofe,  other  than  to 
adorn  the  triumph  of  her  enemies ;  unlefs  me  could  arm 
her  (hips  otherwife  than  by  active  landfmen,  inftructed  by 
a  few  focial  failors.  Our  author  fays,  ."  that  the  Terrible, 
Capt.  Death  flood  the  hotteft  engagement  of  any  fhip  laft 
war,  yet  had  not  twenty  failors  on  board,"  (though  her 
compliment  of  men  was  upwards  of  two  hundred). 

We  do  indeed  confefs  ourfelves  doubtful  on  this  head, 
and  therefore  with  our  author  had  produced  his  authority. 
We  do  apprehend,  that  naval  actions  very  generally  de- 
pend on  feaman-fhip,  that  is,  on  dextroufly  working  the 
fhip  during  the  combat.  Now  the  judicious  reader  will 
remember,  that  (hips  of  war  in  engagement  cannot  be  na- 
vigated by  a  few  focial  failors,  nor  even  by  a  bare  com- 
petency, unlefs  fuch  failors  are  more  invulnerable  than  was 
the  great  Achilles. 

"  Were  the  continent  (fays  our  author)  crowded  with 
inhabitants,  her  fufferings  under  the  prefent  circurnftances 
would  be  intolerable,  the  more  fea  ports  we  had,  the;  more 
we  fhould  have  both  to  defend,  and  to  lofe."  This  is  ra- 
ther incomprehenfible  ;  I  cannot  imagine,  that  ,we  would 
be  lefs  formidable  with  ten  times  our  prefent  numbers ;  if 
at  prefent  we  can  defend  one  fea-port,  furely,  with  ten 
times  as  many  inhabitants,  we  could  equally  defend  ten. 
If  with  our  prefent  numbers,  we  are  a  match  for  the  world, 
confequently  with  ten  times  ns  many,  we  would  be  a 
match  for  ten  worlds,  which  would  indeed  be  prodigious  ! 
"  The  infant  ftate  of  the  Colonies,  as  it  is  called,  fo  far  from 
being  againft,  is  an  argument  in  favour  of  independence." 
This  aflertion  is  as  abfurd,  as  if  he  had  maintained,  that 
twenty  is  inferior  in  number  to  two.  "  But  the  injuries 
and  difadvantages  we  fuftain  by  that  connection,  are  with- 
out number,  and  our  duty  to  mankind  at  large,  as  well  as 
to  ourfelves,  in&ruct  us  to  renounce  the  alliance.  Bccaufc 

any 


24  P  L  A  I  N     T  R  U  T  H. 

any  fubmiflion  to,    or   dependence   upon  Great  Britain, 
tends  directly  to  involve  this  continent  in  European  wars 
and   quarrels.     As   Europe  is  our  market  for  trade,  we 
ought  to  form  no  political  connection  with  any  part  of  it." 
Innumerable  are  the  advantages  of  onr  connection   with 
Britain ;  and  a  jufl  dependence  on  her  is  a  fare  way   ta 
avoid  the  horrors  and  calamities  of  war.     Wars  in  Europe 
will  probably  than  heretofore  become  lefs  frequent ;  reli- 
gious rancour,  which  formerly  animated  princes  to   arms, 
is  fucceeded  by  a  fpirit  of  philofophy  extremely  friendly  to 
peace.     The  princes  of  Europe  are  or  ought  to  be  con- 
vinced by  fad  experience,  that  the  objects  of  conqueft,  are 
vaftly  inadequate  to  the  immenfe  charge  of  their  armaments. 
Prudential  motives,  therefore,  in  future,  will  often  dictate 
negotiation,  inftead  of  war.     Be  it  however  admitted,  that 
our  fpeculations  are  nugatory,  and  that  as  ufual,  we  are 
involved  in  war  ;  in  this  cafe  we  really  do  not  participate 
a  twentieth  part  of  the  mifery  and  hardfhips  of  war,  expe- 
rienced by    the   other  fubjects  of  the  empire.     As  future- 
wars  will  probably  be  carried  on  by  Britain  in  her  proper 
element,  her  fuccefs  will  hardly  be  doubtful ;  nor  can  this 
be  thought  audacity,  if  we  remember  the  great  things  ef- 
fected by  Britain  in  her  naval  wars,  then  fecondary  objects 
to  her  Germanic  connections,  to  which  (he  now  politically 
feems  indifferent.     Our  failors  navigating  our  veflels  to  the 
Weft  Indies  during  war,  are  exempted  from  imprefTment ; 
and  if  our  trade  to  any  part  of  Europe  is  then  ftagnated,  it 
flows  with  uncommon  rapidity  in' the  Weft  Indies;  nor  is 
the  object  of  captures  inconiiderable. 

Our  author  furely  forgets,  that  when  independent,  we 
cannot  trade  with  Europe,  without  political  connections, 
and  that  all  treaties  made  by  England  or  other  commerical 
ftates  are,  or  ought  to  be,  ultimately  fubfervient  to  their 
commerce.  "  But  (fays  our  author)  admitting  that  mat- 
ters were  now  made  up  what  would  be  the  event  ?  I  anfwer, 
the  ruin  of  the  continent,  and  that  for  feveral  reafons." 
Reconciliation  would  conduct  us  to  our  former  happy  ftate. 
The  happinefs  of  the  governed  is  without  doubt  the  true 
interefl  of  the  governors;  and  if  we  aim  not  at  indepen- 
dence, there  cannot  be  a  doubt  of  receiving  every  advantage 

relative 


P  L  A  I  N    T  R  U  T  H.  25 

relative  to  laws  and  commerce  that  we  can  de/ire.  Mon- 
tefquieu  fpeaking  of  the  people  of  England  fays,  '*  They 
know  better  than  any  people  on  earth,  how  to  value  at 
the  fame  time  thefe  three  great  advantages,  religion,  liber- 
ty, and  commerce."  6(  It  is  a  matter  worthy  of  obfervation, 
that  the  more  a  country  is  peopled,  the  fmaller  their  ar- 
mies are."  This  indeed  would  be  worthy  of  obfervation, 
did  not  daily  experience  controvert  ir.  The  armies  of 
Ruflia,  France,  Auftria,  England,  and  Pruflia,  are  cer- 
tainly more  numerous  than  thofe  of  Spain,  Sweden,  Den- 
mark, Portugal,  and  Sardinia.  Now,  the  fird  five  dates 
contain  nearly  fixty  millions,  and  the  la  ft  kingdoms  do  not 
contain  fourteen  millions*of  people.  "  In  military  num- 
bers, the  ancients  far  exceeded  the  moderns,  and  the  rea- 
fon  is  evident,  for  trade  being  the  confequences  of  popu- 
lation, men  become  too  much  abforbed  thereby  to  attend 
to  any  thing  elfe  ;  commerce  dimiiiifties  the  fpirit  both  of 
patriotifm,  and  military  defence." 

Every  ma.nof  fenfe  now  rejects  the  fabulous  numbers  of  the 
army  of  Xerxes,  and  other  fabled  armies  of  antiquity.  The 
ancient  armies  did  not  exceed  in  numbers  the  armies 
of  the  moderns.  If  fo,  their  dates  had  been  defolate<J 
by  the  horrid  carnage  of  their  battles,  arifmg  from  the 
military  fpirit  of  defence,  from  the  nature  of  their  arms,  and 
the  arrangement  of  their  armies,  which  permitted  the  com- 
batants to  buckle  together,  who  feldom  gave  quarter.  The 
Roman  armies  never  exceeded  twenty-five  legions,  which, 
including  auxiliaries,  did  not  exceed  two  hundred  and  fifty 
thoufand,  a  number  greatly  inferior  to  the  armies  of  France  or 
perhaps  Britain  during  war.  Notwithftanding  my  ardour  for 
liberty,  I  do  mod  fervently  pray,  that  we  may  never  exchange 
the  fpirit  of  commerce  for  that  of  military  defence,  even  at  the 
price  of  augmenting  our  armies.  L,et  us  hear  the  tedimony 
of  Montefquieu  in  favour  of  commerce:  "  Commerce,  fays 
he,  is  a  cure  for  the  mod  deftructive  prejudices-,  for  it  is 
almod  a  general  rule,  that  wherever  we  find  agreeable 
manners,  there  commerce  flourifhes.  Let  us  not  be  ado- 
niftied  then,  if  our  manners  are  now  lefs  favnge  than  for- 
merly. Commerce  has  every  where  diffufed  a  knowledge 
pf  all  natrons ;  thefe  are  c  mparcd  one  with  another,  and 

D  from 


2$  PLAIN     T  R  U  T  H. 

from  this  companfcm  arife  the  greateil  advantages.     Peace 
js  the  natural  effect  of  trade,  &c."     The  Athenian  people, 
perhaps  the  mofl  refpeclable  of  antiquity,  did   not   long 
poflTeis  a  commercial  fpirit,  bat  were  almoft  continually  af- 
flicted by   this  Tpirit  of  military  defence.     The  common 
pfcople  ia  efFecl:    diflributed   the  public   revenues  amongft 
taemfelveg,  while  the  rich  were  in  a  flate  of  oppreffion. 
According   to  Lyfms  the  orator  and    others,  it   was  their 
cuilom,  when  in  wa.nt  of  Money,  to  put  to  death  fome  of 
the  rich  citizens,  as  well  as  Grangers,  for   the  fake  of  the 
forfeiture.     In  iliort,  could  we  enumerate  the  infinite  train 
qf   misfortunes  inflicted  on  'mankind  in   every  clime  and 
age  by  this  felf-fame  fpirit  of  military  defence,    our  read- 
ers   would  furely  join  us  in  opinion,  that  commerce  has. 
moil  happily    humanized   mankind.     I  am    not  unaware, 
that  there  are  many  declamations  againfr,  commerce  ;  thefe 
I  have  ever  regarded  as  trials  of  wit,  rather  than  ferious 
productions.     Our  author's  antipathy,  and  extreme5  aver- 
fion  to  commerce,  is  eafily   accounted  for.     If  his  inde- 
pendence takes  place,  I  do  aver,  that  commerce  will  be  as. 
pfelefs  as  our  fearching  for  the  philofopher's  ftone.     "  And 
hiftory  (fays  he)    fufficiently  informs  us,  that  the  bravefi 
atchievemtnts  were  always  accomplifhed  in  the  non-age  of 
a  nation."     The  Greeks  in  their  early  Mate  were  pirates, 
and  the  Romans  robbers,  and   both  warred  in  character. 
"Their  glorious    aclions  were  performed  (if  I  may  fo  ex- 
prefs  myfelf)  in  the  manhood  of  their  empire.     Carthage, 
Greece,  Afia,  Spain,  Gaul,  and  Britain,  were  not  indeed 
conquered  during  the  non-age  of  the  republic.     Agin^ourt, 
Creffy,  Oudenard,    Ramiliies,    Blenheim,    Dettingen,    and 
Mjnden,  furely   were    not   fought   in    the   infancy  qf  the 
Englifh  empire.     "  With  the  encreafe  of  commerce,  Eng- 
land has  loll  her  fpirit."     This  is  really  a  curious  difcove- 
jry;  who  is  unacquainted,  that  the  EngliPa   are  the  lords 
and  fuclors  of  the  univej-fe,  and  that  Britain  joins  to  the 
Commerce  of  Tyre,  Carthage   and   Venice,    the  difcipline 
of  Greesc,  and  the  fire  of  old  Rome  ?    "  The  city  of  Lon- 
don,   fubmits  to   continued    infults,    with    the   patience 
ef  a  coward.     The  more  men  have  to  lofe,  the  lefs  will- 
ing they  are  to  yeoturea  iind  fubmit  to  courtly  power  wi;h 

3  toe 


t  L  A  I  N    T  R  U  T  H.  tf 

the  trembling  duplicity  of  a  fpaniel."  That  an  inconfi- 
derable  part  of  the  people  in  London  fubmit  to  a  perfon 
not  Very  honourably  diltinguiflied  in  the  world  is  certain; 
but  that  the  city  of  London  fubmits  to  continued  infuhs  is 
certainly  a  miftakc.  I  fuppofe  our  author  means,  that  by 
fubmiuing  to  the  beft  laws  on  earth,  they  fubmit  to  con- 
tinued infuhs.  The  rich,  whom  he  fo  very  honourably 
diftinguifhes,  can  be  at  no  lofs  for  his  meaning.  Art 
agrarian  law  would  perhaps  be  convenient  for  himfelf  and 
his  independents.  It  may  not  however  be  amifs  to  remind 
him  of  that,  which  in  the  multiplicity  of  his  projects  he 
may  have  forgot,  viz.  that  the  richeft  part  of  the  commu- 
nity will  always  be  an  overmatch  for  the  poorefl  part. 
"  It  may  be  difficult  (fays  our  author)  if  not  impoffible, 
to  form  this  continent  into  a  government  half  a  century 
hence." 

Here  I  humbly  apprehend  our  author's  meaning  is  truly 
confpicuous.  This  Continent  fifty  years  hence  infallibly  wilt 
be  richer  and  much  better  peopled  than  at  prefcnt ;  confe- 
quently  abler  to  affect  a  revolution.  But,  aids  !  ere  that 
period  our  author  will  be  forgotten  :  impelled  therefore  by 
his  villainous  ambition,  he  would  rather  precipitate  his 
country  into  every  fpecies  of  horror,  mifery,  and  defola- 
tion,  than  forego  his  fancied  protector  (hi  p.  4C  But  if  you 
have  (fays  our  author)  and  ftill  can  (hake  hands  with  the 
murderers,  then  are  ye  unworthy  the  name  of  hufband,  fa- 
ther, friend,  or  lover  ;  and,  whatever  may  be  your  rank  or 
title  in  life,  you  have  the  heart  of  a  coward  and  the  fpirit 
of  a  fycophant,  &c.  To  talk  of  friendfhip  with  thofe  in. 
whom  our  reafon  forbids  us  to  have  faith,  and  our  affections 
wounded  through  a  thoufand  pores  inftructs  us  to  detS'ff,  is 
•madncfs  and  folly." 

Ye  that  are  not  drunk  with  fanaticifm  anfwer  me.  Are 
thefe  words  dictated  by  peace,  or  bafe  foul  revenge,  the 
conftant  attendant  on  cowards  and  fycophants  ?  Does  our 
author,  fo  perfectly  verfed  in  fcripture,  mean  to  conduct  us 
to  peace  or  defolation  ?  Or  is  he  fit  to  legiilate  for  men  of 
devils  ?  Nations  after  defolating  each  other  (happily  for 
mankind)  forgive,  forget,  and  reconcile  ;  like  individuals 
whp  qilarrel,  reconcile,  and  become  friends.  Following  the 

,O  2  laudable 


28  P  L  A  I-N     T  R  U  T  H. 

laudable  example  of  the  Congrefs,  we  lately  have  mo& 
readily  (haken  hands  with  our  inveterate  enemies  the  Cana- 
dians, who  have  fcalped  nearly  as  many  of  our  people  as  the 
British  troops  have  done  :  Why  therefore  may  we  not  for- 
give and  reconcile  ? By  no  means  :  it  blafts  our  author's 

ambitious  purpofes.     The  Englifli  and  Scotch,   fmce  the 
firft  Edward's  time,  have  alternately  flaughtered  each  other 
(in  the  field  of  Bannockbui  n  more  men  fell  than  are  now  in 
the  New  England  provinces)   to  the  amount  of  feveral  hun- 
dred thoufand,  and  now  view  ea^h  other  as  fubjects ;  defpif- 
ing  the  efforts  of  certain  turbulent  fpirits,  tending  to  rekin- 
dle the  ancient  animofity.     Many  of  the  unhappy  men,  cri- 
minally engaged  with  the  Pretender,  reconciled  by  humane 
treatment  to  that  family  againft  whom  they  rebelled,  ferved 
in  their  armies  a  few  years  after.     Indeed  the  conduct  of  the 
Canadians  to  our  troops  as  effectually  illuftrates  our  doc- 
trine as  it  reprobates  the  anti-chriftian  diabolical  tenets  of 
our  Author. — "  The  unwarrantable  ftretch  likewife  which 
that  houfe  made  in  their  laft  fitting,  to  gain  an  undue  au- 
thority over  the  Delegates  of  that  province,  ought  to  warn 
the  people  at  large,  how  they  truft  power  out  of  their  own 
hands.     A  fet  of  inftructions  for  the  Delegates  were  put  to- 
gether, which,  in  point  of  fenfe  and  bufmefs,  would  have 
dishonored  a  fchool-boy,  and  after  being  approved  by  a  few, 
a  very  few,  without  doors,  were  carried  into  the  houfe,  and 
there  palled  in  behalf  of  the  whole  Colony.   Whereas,  did  the 
whole  Colony  know  with  what  ill  will  that  houfe  hath  entered 
on  fome  neceiTary  meafures,  they  would  not  hefitate  a  moment 
to  think  them  unworthy  of  fuch  a  truft."  This  veryinfidious 
charge  we  cannot  read  without  indignation.   If  the  Pennfylva- 
nians  had  happily  adhered  to  their  virtuous  refolves,  it  is  more 
than  probable,  that  a  conftitutional  reconciliation  had  ere  now 
taken  place.    Unfortunately  refcinding  their  opinions,  they 
perhaps  adopted  the  fentiments  of  certain   perfons,   by  no 
means  fuperior  in  virtue  and  knowledge.     Thofe  not  inebri- 
ated with  independency  will  certainly  allow,    that  the  in- 
ftructions  to  their  delegates  were  dictated  by  the  true  fpirit 
of  peace,  juftice,   and  exalted  policy.     If  infpiration  had 
dictated  thofe  refolves,  obnoxious  as  they  are  to  i^idepen- 
iency,  our  author  had  reprobated  them.     How  dare  the 

Author 


PLAIN    TRUTH.  39 

author  of  Common  Senfefay,  "  that  they  attempted  to  gain 
an  undue  authority  over  the  delegates  of  their  province?" 
Who  fo  proper  to  inftruct  them  as  thofe  chofen  by  the  people  ? 
Not  in  the  hour  of  paflion,  riot,  and  confufion,  but  in  the  day 
of  peace  and  tranquil  reflection.  The  gentleman  whom  our 
author  impotently  attacks  in  this  and  other  innuendos,  will 
be  long  revered  by  his  grateful  countrymen  and  the  friends 
of  mankind,  as  well  for  his  true  patriotifm  and  extenfive 
abilities  as  his  unbounded  benevolence.  Would  we  profit 
by  the  unhappy  examples  of  our  anceftors  (which,  alas  I 
mankind  too  feldom  do)  let  us  remember  the  fate  of  thofe 
illuftrious  patriots  of  the  firfl  Charles's  time  :  allied  at  firft 
with  the  independents,  they  did  not  fufpect  thofe  exe- 
crable hyprocrites  of  the  horrid  delign  of  deflroying  the 
king  and  conftitution  :  when  they  faw  through  their  abo- 
minable views,  it  was  too  late  to  fave  the  king  and  kingdom ; 
for  the  independents  had  feized  the  fovereignty.  Soon  as 
they  were  firmly  poflefred  of  power,  they  perfecuted  thofe 
illuftrious  patriots  with  more  unrelenting  virulence  than  the 
profefled  advocates  of  arbitrary  power.  Every  virtuous 
Pennfylvanian  muft  be  fired  with  indignation  at  the  infidious 
attack  made  by  this  independent  on  the  refpeclable  aflembly 
of  his  province.  Indeed  the  aflembly  of  Pennfylvania  in  this 
unworthy  treatment  have  a  fure  earned  of  their  future  ex- 
pectations,— <f  It  is  the  cuflom  of  nations  (fays  our  author) 
when  any  two  are  at  war,  for  fome  other  powers,  not  en- 
gaged in  the  quarrel,  to  flep  in  as  mediators,  and  bring 
about  the  preliminai  ies  of  a  peace.  But  while  America  calls 
herfelf  the  fubject  of  Britain,  no  power,  however  well  dif- 
pofed  (he  may  be,  can  offer  her  mediation  :  wherefore,  in 
our  prefent  llate,  we  may  quarrel  on  for  ever." 

Nations,  like  individuals,  in  the  hour  of  paflion  attend  to 
no  mediation  ;  but  wheu  heartily  drubbed,  and  tired  of 
war,  are  very  readily  reconciled,  whhout  the  intervention 
of  mediators  ;  by  whom  belligerents  were  never  reconciled 
until  their  interests  or  pafliocs  dictated  the  pacification.  If 
we  may  ufe  our  author's,  elegant  language,  mediation  is 
"  farcical."  J  grant,  however,  that  the  idea  of  our  forcing 
England  by  arms  to  treat  with  us  is  brilliant.  "  It  is  unrea- 
/ooable  (continues  our  author)  to  fuppofe,  that  Frsocc  and 

Spain 


JO  PLAIN    TRUTH. 

Spain  will  give  us  any  kind  of  affiftance,  if  we  mean  only 
to  make  ufe  of  that  affiftance  for  the  purpofe  of  repairing 
the  breach,  and  ftrengthening  the  connexion  between  Bri- 
tain and  America ;  becaufe  thofe  powers  would  be  fufFerers 
by  the  confequences." 

Confidering  "  we  have  the  mod  numerous  and  beft  dif- 
ciplined  army  under  heaven,  and  a  fleet  fit  to  contend  with 
the  navy  of  Britain,"  we  muft  fuppofe  our  author's  brain 
affected  by  dwelling  conftantly  on  his  beloved  independency, 
elfe  he  would  not  have  the  imbecility  to  require  the  affift- 
ance of  France  and  Spain.     The  manner  of  his  prevailing 
on  France  and  Spain  to  affift  us  is  alfo  a  ftrong  proof  of  his 
infanity  ?    Did  thofe  powers  hefitate  to  fuccour  the  Scotch 
rebels  in  1 745,  becaufe  they  did  not  declare  themfelves  in- 
dependent ?    it  then  was  their  intereft  to  create  a  diversion, 
alas  !  too  ferious  in  the  fequel  for  the  deluded  rebels  in  that 
kingdom :  and  were  they  now  interefted  in  aiding  us,  they 
undoubtedly  would  do  it  in  fpite  of  quibbles.    In  fuch  cafe, 
ere  this  time  their  armies  and  navies  had  joined  us  without 
interruption  :  for  we  muft  confefs,  that  the  efforts  of  Britain 
hitherto  would  not  have  precluded  the  republic  of  Genoa 
from  aiding  us.  Suppofe  our  author  had  a  fon,  or  an  appren- 
tice, eloped  to  his  intimate  acquaintance,  and  defired  to  en- 
ter into  his  fervice.     If  this  perfon  replied  to  the  youth,  I 
know  your  apprenticcfhip  is  unexpired;  notwithftanding, 
declare  yourfelf  a  free  man,  and  I  will  hire  and  protect  you. 
I  demand,  would  fuch  odious,  ridiculous  duplicity  render 
our  fuppofed  perfon  lefs  criminal  in  the  eyes  of  our  author, 
or  render  the  example  lefc  dangerous  to  his  own  apprentice? 
*'  Were  a  manifefto  (fays  our  author)  difpatched  to  foreign 
courts,  &c."     This  alfo  is  a  conclufive  proof  of  our  au- 
thor's maniacum  delirium.     Our  author  "  challenges  the 
\varmeft  advocate  for  reconciliation  to  fhew  a  fmgle  advan- 
tage this  continent  can  reap  by  being  connected  with  Great 
Britain.     I  repeat  the  challenge.     Not  a  fmgle  advantage  is 
derived  :   our  corn  will  fetch  its  price  in  any  market  in  Eu- 
rope."    Were  the  author's  aifertions,  refpecting  our  power, 
as  real  as  delufive,    a  reconciliation  on  liberal  principles  , 
with  Great  Britain  would  be  moft  excellent  policy.     I  wave 
familiarity  of  manners,  laws,  aad  cultoms,.  moft  friend- 
ly 


P  L  A  I  N     T  R  U  T  H.  3^ 

ty  indeed  to  perpetual  alliance.  The  greateft  part  of  pur 
plank,  ftaves,  (hingles,  hoops,  corn,  beef,  pork,  herrings, 
and  many  other  articles,  could  find  no  vent  but  ia  the  Eng- 
lifti  iflands  :  the  demand  for  pur  flour  would  alfo  be  con- 
fiderably  leflened.  The  Spaniards  have  no  demand  for  thefe 
articles,  and  the  French  little  or  none.  Britain  would  be  a 
principal  mart  for  our  lumber,  part  of  our  grain,  naval 
{lores,  tobacco,  and  many  other  articles,  which  perhaps  are 
not  generally  wanted  in  any  kingdom  in  Europe.  If  it  is 
fuggefted,  that  the  Englifh,  iflands,  impelled  by  neceffity, 
would  trade  with  us,  I  reply,  that  it  is  not  uncommon  to 
fee  Englifli  flour  for  fale  in  thofe  iflands,  as  our  merchants 
have  more  than  once  found  to  their  coft.  Since  1750  flour 
hath  fold  in  the  iflands  at  ten  and  twelve  per  cent,  the  price 
being  reduced  by  flour  from  England. 

Britain*  is  alfo  better  calculated  to  fupply  us  with  woollen 
goods,  and  other  neceflary  articles,  than  any  kingdom  in 
Europe.     Should  a  feparation  enfue,  Britain  will  open  an 
extenfive  commerce  to  the  Baltick  and  Ruflia  for  all,  or 
many  of  the  commodities  flie  now  receives  from  us  ;  the 
Ruffians,  fince  their  laft  glorious  treaty  with  the  Port,  can 
now  export  the  commodities   of  their  mofr,  fertile  Ukraine 
through  the  Mediterranean ;  until  that  period  they  were 
conftrained   to  carry  their  hemp  eight  or  nine  hundred 
miles  to  the  Baltick ;  whence,   by  a  long  and  dangerous 
navigation,  it  reached  the  different  ports  in  the  Atlantic. 
I   need   not  inform  the  reader   that  fuch   immenfe  land 
carnage    precluded    the  fubjecls   of  Ruffia   from   raifmg 
wheat,  which  generally  fold  in  the  Ukraine  for  ten-pence 
per  bufhel,  as  did  rye  at  five-pence  in  that  extenfive  re- 
gion, than  which  no  country  on  earth  is  more   happily 
adapted  for  that  grain  :   the  Britifh  nation,   pre-eminently 
diftinguiihed  for    induftry   and    enterprize,    will   eftablifh 
factories   in  the  provinces  of  Ruffia,    and   animate  thofe 
pejple  to  emulate  our  productions,  which  they  will  tran- 
fport  by  the  Mediterranean   to   the  ports  of  Europe  and 
the  Weft  Indies. — By   tbeie  means,    and   the  culture  of 
Ppland,    our   grain   would    probably  be   reduced   to  .its 
prifline  price,  two    (hillings  and  fix-pence.     As  our  au- 
t.har  is  Ip  vigl^atiy  bent  againft  reconciliation,  he  muft 

either 


32  P  L  A  I  N    T  R  U  T  H. 

either  fuppofe  a  conftant  war  with  the  mcenfed  power  of 
England,  or  admit  that  he  is  a  proper  inhabitant  of  the 
domains  of  Ariofto  (the  world  in  the  moon) ;  now,  ad^ 
mitting  "  we  have  the  moft  numerous  and  beft  difciplined 
army  under  heaven,  and  a  navy  formidable  for  that  of 
England;"  pray  what  are  our  refources  to  pay  fuch  con- 
fiderable armaments  ?  although  I  do  not  wi(h  to  mortify 
my  countrymen,  I  muft  acknowledge,  that  the  neat  pro- 
ceeds of  all  our  produce  is  inadequate  to  that  end  :  our 
author  allows  "  that  we  have  a  confiderable  check  on 
the  Weft  India  commerce  of  Britain,  and  that  Great 
Britain  has  a  confiderable  check  upon  our  European 
trade.'* 

In  cafe  Great  Britain  infults  therefore  our  European 
bound  (hips,  we  have  only  to  order  our  admirals  to  feize 
their  Weft  Indiamen.  Unfortunately,  the  Algerines  and 
other  piratical  ftates  of  Africa  have  no  Weft-India  com-* 
mcrce;  nnd  not  having  the  cleared  distinctions  of  thine 
and  mine,  will  be  apt  to  feize  our  vefTels.  Our  author 
affirms,  <c  that  our  trade  will  always  be  our  protection.'* 
I  therefore  crave  his  pardon,  and  (hall  believe,  that  the 
iight  of  our  grain,  and  fmell  of  the  New  England  codfifh, 
lull  effectually  ferve  as  a  Mediterranean  pais  to  the  pi- 
rati:al  rovers.  I  do  humbly  confefs  my  fufpicions,  leaft 
Portugal,  extremely  dependent  on  Great  Britain,  may  not 
infult  us.  When  independent,  we  no  doubt  will  receive 
ftrong  proofs  of  friendship  from  France  and  Spain  ;  never - 
thelefs,  with  the  utmoft  humility  I  imagine,  could  we 
feize  Gibraltar  or  Portmahon,  and  there  ftation  a  formida- 
ble fquadron  of  capital  fliips,  we  might  as  effectually  pro- 
tect our  commerce,  as  our  trade  will  protect  us:  the 
author  of  Common  Senfe  confidently  affirms,  "  that  our 
trade  will  always  be  its  protection."  I  cannot  imagine 
that  his  purfe  or  watch  would  effectually  protect  him  on 
Bounflovv  or  Blackheath  from  footpads  or  highwaymen, 
Hitherto  we  have  treated  of  reconciliation  on  the  principles 
of  our  being  as  poient  as  Great  Britain.  Let  us  now 
confider  our  army  nearly  as  I  have  ftated  it,  and  our  navy 
as  an  object  by  no  means  fubl unary.  It  now  behoves 
us  well  to  confider,  whether  it  were  belter  to  enter  the 


P  L  A  I  N     T  R  U  T  H.  33 

harbour  of  peace  with  Gre^t  Britain,  or  plunge  the  (hip 
into  all  the  horrors  of  war — of  civil  war.     As  peace  and 
a  happy  exfenfion  of  commerce  are  objects  infinitely  better 
for  Great  Britain,  than  war  and  a  diminution  of  her  com-  . 
merce,    it  therefore  is  her  intereffc  to  grant  us  every  fpecies 
of  indulgence,  confident  with  our  conftitutional  depen- 
dence; fhouldvwar  continue,  there  can  be  no  doubt  of  the 
annihilation  of  our  (hips,  ports,  and  commerce  by  Great  i 
Britain.     The  king's  (hips  now  in  New  England  unhappily 
arc  more  than  fuffjcient  to  ruin  the  ports  and  commerce 
of  thefe  provinces;  New  York  is  already  fecured  ;  and   I 
fhould  be  extremely  grieved  to  hear  that  a  fmall  armament 
were  deftined  againft  Philadelphia.      In  the  opinion  of  the. 
beft  officers  of  the  navy,  Philadelphia  is  acceffible   to  a 
few  forty  and  fifty  gun  mips,  in  defpite  of  our  temporary 
expedients  to  fortify  the  river  Delaware.     If  fuch  opinion 
is  groundlefs,  the  miniftry  by  their  imbecility  have  be- 
friended us,  fmce  by  guarding  the  river  Delaware  with  a 
few  frigates  only,    they   had   precluded   us-  from  arming 
our  veffels  and  ftrengthening  the  river  Delaware.    I  would 
remind  our  author  or   the  conftant  language  and  apparent 
purport  of  all  ranks  in  oppofition  .to  Great  Britain  :   "  \v«e 
have  (fay  they)  been  the  happieit   people  on   earth,  and 
would  continue  to  be   io,  mould  Great  Britain  renounce 
her  claim  of  taxation  ;  we  have  no  finifter  views,   we  claim 
not  independence;  no!   perifli   the  thought;''  fuch   I   be- 
lieve alfo  was  the  tenor  of  the  petitions  from  the  congrefs  to 
his  majefly.  Now  I  would  afk  every  man  of  fen  time  tit,  what- 
opinion  our  friends  in  Great  Britain,  nay  the  whole  world 
•will  entertain  of  us,  if  ingratefully  and  madly  adopting 
our  author's  frantic  fchemes,  we  reject  reafonable  terms- 
of  reconciliation?  wiH  they  not  moft  afluredly  believe  that 
our    popular   leaders    have   by  infinite   art    deluded    the 
imwary  people  into  their  pre-concerted  fchemes,  on  fup- 
polition  that  the  time  had  found  us?  thofe  acquainted  with 
Britain  mutt  confefs,  that  the  .minority  in,  parliament  hi- 
therto have  been   our  main   prop :  now  independency  for 
ever  annihilates   this   our  beA  reiource.     Let   us  admit  a 
part  of  the  minority,  republicans,  or  what  is  more  pro* 

E  bable, 


34  P  LAIN    TRUTH. 

bable,  bent  on  removing  the  prcfent  miniflry  from  their 
power,  our  author's  fchemes  annihilates  all  their  con^ 
fequence,  all  their  oppofition.  In  cafe  of  our  indepen- 
dence, mould  a  Barre,  or  Burke,  patronize  our  govern- 
ment, fuch  patrons  would  infallibly  participate  the  fate  of  the 
great  and  good  De  Witts,  be  torn  in  pieces  by  the  furious 

people. If  my  remarks  are  founded  on  truth,  it  refults 

that  the  time  hath  not  found  us ;  that  independency  is 
inexpedient,  ruinous,  "and  impracticable,  and  that  recon- 
ciliation with  Great  Britain  on  good  terms  is  our  fole 
refource  ;  it  is  this  alone  will  render  us  refpecTiable ;  it  is 
this  alone  will  render  us  numerous ;  it  is  this  only  will 
make  us  happy. 

I  mall  no  longer  detain  my  reader,  but  conclude  with 
a  few  remarks  on  our  author's  fcheme:  the  people  of 
thofe  colonies  would  do  well  to  confider  the  character, 
fortune,  and  defigns  of  our  author  and  his  independents ; 
and  compare  them  with  thofe  of  the  moft  amiable  and 
venerable  perfonages  in  and  out  of  the  congrefs,  who 
abominate  fuch  nefarious  meafures  ;  I  would  humbly  ob- 
ferve,  that  the  fpccious"  fcience  of  politics  is  of  all  others 
the  mod  delufive.  Soon  after  the  Revolution  the  ablefl; 
fbtefmen  in  England  and  other  parts  of  Europe  confi- 
dently predicted  national  ruin,  infallible  ruin,  foon  as  the 
public  debt  exceeded  fifty!  millions  feeding  :  the  nation, 
now  indebted  nearly  thrice  that  fum,  is  not  arrived  at  the 
zenith  of  her  credit  and  power.  It  is  perhaps  poflible  to 
form  a  fpeciotis  fyftem  of  government  on  paper  which 
may  feem  practicable,  and  to  have  the  confcrit  of  the 
people  ;  yet  it  will  not  arifwer  in  practice,  nor  retain  their 
approbation  upon  trial:  "all  plans  of  government  (fays 
Hume)  which  kippofe  great  reformation  in  the  manners  of 
mankind,  are  merely  imaginary." 

The  fabricators  of  independency  have  too  much  in- 
fluence to  be  entrufted  in  fuch  arduous  and  important 
concerns ;  this  reafon  alone  were  fufficient,  at  prefent,  to 
cieter  us  from  altering  the  conftitution :  it  would  be  as 
inconfiftent  in  our  leaders  in  this  hour  of  danger  to 
form  a  government,  as  it  were  for  a  colonel,  forming 
'"  '•  "  bis, 

'.  "•:.  •• 


PLAINTRUTH;  35 

his  battalion  in  the  face  of  an  enemy,  to  flop  to  write  aii 
ciTay  on  war. 

This  author's  Quixotic  fyftem  is  really  an  infult  to 
our  un'derftdnding ;  it  is  infinitely  inferior  to  Hume's  idea 
of  a  perfect  commonwealth,  which,  notwithstanding  his 
acknowledged  greatnefs  of  genius,  is  fiill  reprehenfible : 
it  is  not  our  bufmefs  to  examine  in  what  manner  this 
Author's  aiTociates  acquired  their  knowledge  in  national 
affairs ;  but  we  may  predict,  that  his  fcheme  of  indepen- 
dency would  foon,  very  foon,  give  way  to  a  government 
impofed  on  us  by  fome  Cromwell  of  our  armies :  nor 
is  this  fentiment  unnatural,  if  we  are  attentive  to  conftant 
experience  and  human  nature:  the  fublime  Montefquieu, 
fo  aptly  quoted  by  the  congrefs,  unhappily  corroborates 
our  doctrine,  "  from  (fays  he)  a  manner  of  thinking  that 
prevails  amongft  mankind,  they  fet  a  higher  value  upon 
courage  than  timoroufnefs ;  on  activity  than  prudence; 
on  ftrength  than  counfel.'  Hence,  the  army  will  ever; 
defpife  a  fenate,  and  refpect  their  own  officers ;  they  will 
naturally  flight  the  order  fent  them  by  a  body  of  men 
whom  they  look  upon  as  cowards,  and  therefore  un- 
worthy to  command  them  ;  fo  that  as  foon  as  the  army 
depends  on  the  legiilative  body,  it  becomes  a  military 
one;"  and  if  the  contrary  has  ever  happened,  it  has  been 
owing  to  fome  extraordinary  circumflances,  fuch  as  Hol- 
land being  able  to  drown  her  garrifons,  and  the  Venetians 
having  it  in  their  power  to  compel  their  troops  to  obe- 
dience by  the  vicinity  of  the  European  armies ;  resources 
to  which  we  for  ever  muft  be  ftrangers.  If  independence 
takes  place/  the  New  England  men  by  their  confequence 
therein  will  afTume  a  fuperiority  impatiently  to  be  borne 
by  the  other  colonies. 

Notwhhftanding  our  author's  fine  words  about  tolera- 
tion, ye  fons  of  peace  and  true  chrifYianity,  believe  me, 
it  were  folly  fupreme,  madnefst  to  expect  angelic  tolera^ 
tion  from  New  England,  where  me  has  confhmtly  been 
detefVed,  perfecuted,  and  execrated  ;  even  in  vain  would 
our  author,  or  our  Cromwell,  cherifh  toleration  ;  for  the 
people  of  New  England,  not  yet  arrived  in  the  feven- 

E  3  uentli 


36  PLAIN    TRUTH. 

teeuth  or  eighteenth  century,  would  reprobate  her. — It  fc 
more  than  probable  to  fuppofe  that   the  New  England 
governments  would  have  no  objection  to  an  Agrarian  law; 
cor  is  it  unreafonable   to  fuppofe  that  fiich  divifion  of 
property  would  be  very  agreeable  to   the  foldiers ;  indeed 
their  general  could  not,   perhaps,  with  fafety  to  his  exift- 
ence  as  a  general,  refufe  them  fo  reafonable  a  gratification^ 
particularly,  as  he  will  have  more  than  one  occafion  for 
their  fervices ;    let  us,   however,  admit  that  our  general 
and  troops,  contradicting  the  experience  of  ages,  do  not 
aflume  the  fovereignty.     Releafed  from  foreign  war,  we 
would  probably  be  plunged  into  all  the  mifery  of  anarchy 
and  inteftine  war.   Can  we  fuppofe  that  the  people  of  the 
fouth  would  fubmit  to  have   the  feat  of  empire  at  Phi- 
laddphia,   or  in  New-  England  ?    or   that  the  people  op- 
prefied  by  a  change  of  government,  contrafting  their  mifery 
wiih   their  former   happy  {late,  would  not  invite  Britain 
to  re-aflume  the  fovereignty  ? 

A  failure  of  commerce  precludes  the  numerous  tribe  of 
planters,  farmers  and  others,  from  paying  their  debts  con- 
tracted on  the  faith  of  peace  and  commerce.  They  can- 
not, nor  perhaps  ought  not  to  pay  their  debts.  A  war 
will  enfue  between  the  creditors  and  their  debtors,  which 
will  eventually  end  in  a  general  fpunge  or  abolition  of 
debts,  which  has  more  than  once  happened  in  other  ftates 
occniions  fimilar. 

Ye  refpectable  defcendants  of  the  planters  from  Holland 
and  Swifferland,  who  acknowledge,  that  your  fathers 
have  inflructed  you  to  felicitate  yourfelves  in  exifting  un- 
der the  benign  Britifh  government,  and  have  taught  you 
to  execrate  the  government  of  Holland  and  other  popular 
ftates,  where  the  unhappy  people,  unacquainted  with  trial 
by  jury  and  other  peculiar  felicities  of  Britifli  fubjects,  are 
(to  ufe  the  fignificant  language  of  your  fathers)  under  the 
harrow  of  opprefTive  Demagogues.  Do  ye  poffefs  the  wif- 
dom  to  continue  your  happinefs  by  a  well  regulated  con- 
nection with  Britain  ? 

Volumes  were  infufficient  to  defcribe  the  horror,  mifery, 
and  defolation  awaiting  the  people  at  large  in  the  Syren 

form 


PLAIN     TRUTH. 


37 


form  oF  American  independence.  In  fhort,  I  affirm  that 
it  would  be  moft  excellent  policy  in  thofe  who  wi(h  for 
true  liberty,  to  fubmit  by  an  advantageous  reconciliation 
to  the  authority  of  Great  Britain  ;  "  to  accomplifti  in  the 
long  run,  what  they  cannot  do  by  hypocrify,  fraud,  and 
force  in  the  fhort  one.'*  Independence  and  flavery  are  £y- 
nonymous  terms. 


f     I     N      I      Si 


The  following  Publication  by  RATIONALIS,  is 
frinted  in  this  Jtze  for  the  convenience  of  thofe 
Gentlemen  'who  choofe  to  bind  it  with  other 
Pamphlets,  in  an  Odtavo  Volume. 

The  Republican  Spirit  is  indeed  at  bottom  as  am- 
bitious as  the  monarchical. 

VOLT  AIR  E. 

TH  E  town  has  been  lately  amufed  with  a  new  political 
pamphlet,  intitled  Common  Senfe. 

This  piece,  though  it  has  taken  a  popular  name,  and 
implies  that  the  contents  are  obvious,  and  adapted  to  the 
underftandings  of  the  bulk  of  the  people,  is  fo  far  from 
meriting  the  title  it  has  attained,  that  in  my  opinion  it 
holds  principles  equally  inconfiftent  with  learned  and  com  • 
mon  fenfe. 

I  know  not  the  author,  nor  am  I  anxious  to  learn  hi£ 
name  or  character  ;  for  the  book,  and  not  the  writer  of 
it,  is  to  be  the  fubjecl  of  my  animadverfions/ 

It  is  the  glory  of  a  free  country  to  enjoy  a  free  prefs, 
and  of  this,  that  the  fentiments  and  opinions  of  the  meaneft, 
equally  with  thofe  of  the  greateft,  are  brought  to  view  * 
for  we  know  by  frequent  inftances,  that  the  rich  and  high 
born  are  not  the  monopolizers  of  wifdom  and  virtue  ;  oil 
the  contrary,  thefe  qualities  are  oftner  to  be  found  among 
the  middling  clafs  in  every  country,  who,  being  lefs  difTi- 
pated  and  debauched  than  thofe  who  are  ufually  called 
their  betters,  apply  themfelves  with  more  induftry  to  the 
culture  of  their  understandings,  and  in  reality  become 
better  acquainted  witli  the  true  interefts  of  the  fociety  id 
which  they  live. 

But  to  my  great  grief  I  have  too  often  feen  inftances  of 
pcrfons  in  every  clafs  of  life,  whofe  publications,  at  the 
fame  time  they  have  reflected  honour  on  the  parts  and  ge- 
nius of  the  authors,  have  been  fo  fhamefully  wanting  iri 

Candour 


R  A  T  I  O  N  A  L  I  a.  33 

candour  as  to  attempt,  by  the  cadence  of  words,  and  force 
of  ftile,  a  total  perverfion  of  the  underitanding. 

The  pamphlet  in  queftion  feems  to  be  plainly  calculated 
to  induce  a  belief  of  three  things  : 

i ft.  That  the  Englifh  form  of  government  has  no  wifT 
dom  in  it,  and  that  it  is  by  no  means  To  conftrufted  as  to 
produce  the  happinefs  of  the  people,  which  is  the  end  of 
all  good  government. 

2d.  That  monarchy  is  a  form  of  government  inconfift- 
ent  with  the  will  of  God. 

3d.  That  now  is  the  time  to  break  off  all  connexion 
with  Great  Britain,  and  to  declare  .an  independence  of  the 
Colonies. 

It  muft  be  obvious  to  every  impartial  eye,  that  the  au- 
thor reafons  from  the  abufes  of,  againft  the  benefits  de- 
rived from,  the  Engiilh  conftitution ;  and  after  reciting 
thefe  abufes  concludes  very  unfairly,  that  "  it  is  incapa- 
ble to  produce  what  it  feems  to  promife." — For  if  an  ar- 
gument of  this  fort  is  to  be  received,  it  will  prove  perhaps 
rather  more  than  the  author  would  chufe — it  would  ever* 
prove  that  the  Jewish  theocracy  was  quite  as  improper, 
and  as  incapable  to  produce  what  it  aimed  at,  as  the  re- 
probated Englifh  government. — The  records  of  facred  hif- 
tory  informs  us,  that  the  law  was  given  to  the  people  frona 
God.  and  that  the  great  Jehovah  himfelf  condefcended  to 
call  them  his  cbofen  people.  He  fignally  interpofed  in  thek 
behalf  in  bringing  them  out  of  bondage,  in  preferving  them 
from  the  rage  o;  Pharaoh's  army,  and  feating  them  in  a 
land  flowing  with  milk  and  honey,  under  his  immediate 
government  and  laws,  "  written  with  his  own  finger." 

"  And  he  will  love  thee  and  biefs  thee,  and  multiply 
thee :  he  will  alfq  bkfs  the  fruit  of  thy  womb  and  the  fruit 
of  thy  land,  thy  corn  and  thy  wine,  and  thy  oil ;  the  in- 
creafe  of  thy  kine,  and  the  flocks  of  thy  fheep,  in  the  land 
which  he  fvvare  unto  thy  fathers  to  give  thee."  Deut. 
yii.  13. 

"  Thou  (halt  be  blefled  above  all  people  ;  there  (hall  not 
be  male  or  female  barren  among  you,  or  among  your  cattle.'* 

l)cut.  vii.    14. 
j 

But 


40  RATIONALIS. 

But  what  effects  did  all  thefe  extraordinary  favours  an4 
promifes  of  the  Deity  himfelf  produce  upon  that  wicked, 
perverfe,  {tiff-necked  people  ?  Mofes  tells  them, 

"  From  the  day  that  thou  didft  depart  out  of  the 
land  of  Egypt  until  ye  came  unto  this  place,  ye  have  been 
rfcjellious  againit  the, Lord."  Deut.  ix.  7. 

"  You  have  been  rebellious  againft  the  Lord  from  the 
day  that  1  knew  you."  Deut.  ix.  24. 

Profane  as  well  as  facred  hiftory  informs  us  of  the  inef- 
fectuality  of  the  beft  governments  and  the  wiieft  laws  among 
a  corrupt,  degenerate  people  it  does  not  regularly  follow, 
that  if  the  people  are  not  happy  under  an  excellent  form 
of  civil  polity,  that  the  fault  is  in  the  government,  it  may 
be  owing  to  the  corruption  of  the  people  ;  and  this  I  take 
to  be  the  cafe  in  Great  Britain  at  this  day.  When  the 
Bririfh  parliament  is  properly  balanced,  and  each  branch 
of  the  legiflature  faithfully  executes  its  duty,  I  think  I  am 
fafe  in  affirming  there  was  never  ye£  a  form  of  government 
in  the  world  fo  well  calculated  for  the  happinefs  of  a  free 
people  as  this,  and  yet  we  are  told  by  the  author  of  the 
pamphlet,  that  the  "  prejudice  of  Engliflimen  in  favour 
of  King,  Lords,  and  Commons  arifes  as  much  or  more 
from  national  pride  than  reafon."  The  world  has  already 
feen  numberlefs  inftances  of  fine-fpun  political  theories, 
which,  like  the  quackeries  of  mountebank  doctors,  are 
to  cure  all  the  political  evils  to  which  human  nature  is 
liable. — But  when  the  experiment  is  made,  they  become 
aftonimed  at  the  ill  fuccefs  of  their  boafted  fchemes — they 
find  a  thoufand  little  paffions  and  intere  is  continually  in- 
terfering with  their  defigns,  and  at  length  retire  again  to 
their  clofets,  chagrined  they  had  not  thought  it  necellury 
to  ftudy  the  great  volume  of  human  nature,  before  they 
ventured  to  fay  what  was  the  beft  for  mankind. 

The  author,  after  venting  his  fpleen  againft  the  Englifti 
form  of  government,  comes  next  to  confider  the  fubjecl  of 
monarchy  and  hereditary  fucceffion  ;  in  treating  which  he 
plainly  difcovers  the  utmo't  prepofTeflioa  in  favour  of  a 
republic.  I  mail  not  follow  him  through  his  fcripture 
quotations,  which  he  has  fo  carefully  garbled  to  anfwef  his 
purpofe,  but  beg  leave  to  cppofe  fome  authorities  to  it. 

The 


RATIONALIS.  4* 

The  celebrated  Trenchard.,  in  No.  60,  of  Cato's  Let- 
ters, fays,  "  there  is  no  government  now  upon  earth, 
which  owes  its  formation  or  beginning  to  the  immediate 
revelation  of  God,  or  can  derive  its  exiftence  from  fuch  re- 
velation :  it  is  certain,  on  the  contrary,  that  the  rife  and 
infritution,  or  variation  of  government,  from  time  to  time, 
is  within  the  memory  of  men  or  of  hiflories;  and  that  every 
government  which  we  know  at  this  day  in  the  world, 
was  eftablifhed  by  the  wifdom  and  force  of  mere  men,  and 
.by  the  concurrence  of  caufes  evidently  human." 

"  Nor  has  God  by  any  revelation  nominated  magiftrates, 
mewed  the  nature  or  extent  of  their  powers,  or  given  a 
plan  of  civil  polity  for  mankind."  (Hutchefon's  Moral 
Philofophy,  p.  272.) 

"  There  being  no  natural  or  divine  law  for  any  form  of 
government,  or  that  one  perfon  rather  than  another  mould 
have  the  fovereign  adminiftration  of  affairs,  or  have  power 
over  many  thoufand  different  families  who  are  by  nature 
all  equal,  being  of  the  fame  rank,  promifcuoufly  born  to 
the  fame  advantages  of  nature,  and  to  the  ufe  of  the  fame 
common  faculties,  therefore  mankind,  is  at  liberty  to  choofe 
-what form  of  government  they  like* 

"  God's  providence  or  permiffion  fuffered  his  own  pe- 
culiar people  the  Jews  to  be  under  divers  governments  at 
divers  times;  as  firft  under  patriarchs,  Abraham,  Ifaac, 
and  Jacob,  &c.  then  under  judges,  ©thniel,  Ehud,  and 
Gideon;  then  under  high  priefts,  Eli  and  Samuel;  then 
u;ider  kings,  Saul,  David,  and  the  reft;  then  under  cap- 
tains and  high  priefls  again,  as  Zorobabel,  Judas  Mac- 
cabeus, and  his  brethren ;  and  the  government  was  laftly 
taken  from  them,  and  they  brought  under  the  power  of 
Rome.  And  that  God  permits  fuch  magiftrate  or  magif- 
trates  as  the  community  thinks  fit  to  approve,  is  plain  by 
the  teftimony  of  Holy  Scriptures ;  when  God  faid  to  Solo- 
mon, "  By  me  kings  rule,  even  all  the  judges  of  the  earth." 
Prov.  viii.  16. 

"  When  the  fons  of  Samuel  were  judges  over  Ifrael,  they 
took  bribes  and  perverted  judgment,  therefore  the  elders 
of  Ifrael  defired  Samuel  to  make  them  a  king ;  and  though 
the  elders  are  only  mentioned  to  have  afked  a  king  of, 

F  Samuel, 


4*  R  A  T  I  O  N  A  L  I  S. 

Samuel,  they  feem  to  have  been  deputed  from  the  whole 
congregation  ;  for  God  faid  unto  Samuel,  "  Hearken  to 
the  voice  of  the  people  in  all  that  they  fay  unto  thee."  i  Sam. 
viii.  4,  7. 

(t  And  Samuel  told  the  people  the  manner  of  the  kingdom, 
and  wrote  it  in  a  book,  and  laid  it  up  before  the  Lord. 
i  Sam.  x.  25.  It  is  plain  the  manner  of  the  kingdom  fjg- 
nifies  the  confUtution  of  the  government,  by  which  was 
meant  the  conditions  on  which  Saul  was  to  be  king,  and 
they  his  fubjects  ;  for  though  God  had  given  him  the  crown, 
it  was  to  rule  the  people  according  to  jufiice  and  laws." 

"  After  the  battle  between  Saul  and  the  Ammonites, 
Samuel  faid  to  the  people.  Come,  let  us  go  to  Cilgal\  and 
there  they  made  Saul  king  before  the  Lord,  i  Sam.  xi.  i. 
5,  6,  7.  14,  15.  Now  therefore  behold  the  king,  ivhom 
ye  have  chofen,  and  behold  the  Lord  hath  fet  a  king  over 
you."  i  Sam.  xii.  13. 

Thefe  latter  quotations  are  taken  from  the  great  Lord 
Somers's  book  called  "  the  Judgment  of  whole  Kingdoms 
and  Nations  concerning  the  Rights  of  Kings  and  the  Peo- 
ple." This  nobleman  was  Lord  high  chancellor  of  Eng- 
land in  King  William's  reign,  and  was  remarkable  for  his 
revolution -principles,  great  learning,  and  unfhaken  integri- 
ty in  public  and  private  life. 

It  does  therefore  from  the  foregoing  teftimpnies  appear, 
that  monarchy  (efpeciaily  a  limited  one,  fuch  as  that  of 
England)  is  not  inconfiflent  with  the  Holy  Scriptures,  as 
is  fet  forth  in  faid  pamphlet,  but  that  it  is  as  plea/mg  to 
the  Almighty,  if  agreeable  to  the  people,  as  any  other  form 
of  government,  even  the  author's  beloved  republic. 

The  writer  next  proceeds  to  inform  his  readers  of  the 
numerous  wars  and  fcenes  of  blood  afted  in  England  under 
their  kings,  and  afTerts,  that  "  Monarchy  and  fucejjion 
have  laid  the  world  in  blood  and  aJJjes,  It  is  a  form  of  go- 
vernment which  the  word  of  Cod  bears  tejlimony  againft, 
and  blood  will  attend  it."  Here  are  bold  aifertions  indeed. 
To  the  latter  part  I  have  already  endeavoured  to  make 
fome  reply,  fo  far  as  he  aflerts  it  is  contrary  to  the  word 
of  God ;  but  will  the  author's  candour  permit  him  to  in- 
form his  reader  of  the  infinite  diffractions  and  mifchiefs 
3  which 


RATIONAL!^  43 

\vhich  liave  happened  in  the  ancient  and  modern  republics  ? 
— Under  this  form  there  are  always  two  parties,  which 
divide  the  whole  body  of  the  people,  and  an  eternal  war- 
fare fubfjfts  between  them  for  power.  The  conteft  is 
dreadful  enough,  but  whichfoever  party  prevails,  there 
is  no  rod  heavy  enough,  no  fword  fufficiently  {harp,  to 

punifh  thofe  whom  they  have  fubdued. It  then  becomes 

a  many-headed  monfler,  a  tyranny  of  many. 

Let  any  man  read  with  an  unprejudiced  eye  the  accounts 
which  hiftorians  give  us  of  the  famous  Grecian  Common- 
wealths, and  I  will  venture  to  fpeak  for  him,  that  he  will 
not  beflow  great  commendations  on  them. — The  Atheni- 
ans, a  wife  and  poliflied  people,  very  often  banifhed  their 
belt  citizens  from  an  apprehenfion  of  their  power — a  glo- 
rious reward  for  a  virtuous  citizen,  who,  as  was  the  cafe 
in  more  inftances  than  one,  had  preferved  his  country  from 
deftruclion.  In  the  latter  times  of  the  Carthaginian  and 
Roman  republics,  what  comtant  fcenes  of  blood  and  de- 
vaflation  does  hiftory  prefent  to  us — the  multitude  in  a 
perpetual  ferment  like  the  ocean  in  a  ftorm— in  a  florm,  did 
I  fay?  — like  the  waters  of  the  fea,  agitated  by  a  dreadful 
whirlwind,  nothing' but  the  fury  of  one  party  ercountering 
the  rage  of  another. — Every  trace  of  humanity  being  thus 
loft,  men  change  their  natures  and  become  as  fierce  and  fa- 
vage  as  wolves  and  tygers. 

But  let  us  defcend  nearer  to  modern  times — let  us  look 
for  happinefs  and  fecurity  in  the  republic  of  Holland,  fa 
often  mentioned,  and  fo  little  known — let  us  recollect  the 
fate  of  the  two  brothers,  Cornelius  and  John  de  Wit, 
Dutch  minifters,  who  were  maiiacred  by  the  people  in  the 
year  1672.  Holland  itfelf,  from  being  a  republic,  is  be- 
come a  downright  ariftocracy.  Liberty  did  not  continue 
long  in  that  country,  notwithstanding  the  blood  and  trea- 
fure  that  were  expended  to  acquire  it.  The  people,  fo  far 
from  being  free,  have  had  no  voice  for  many  years  paft  in  the* 
election  of  perfons  to  reprefent  them  in  the  States-Gene- 
ral, nor  have  they  any  thing  to  do  in  the  forming  of  laws 
by  which  they  are  to  be  governed.  Whenever  one  of 
them  dies,  the  vacancy  is  filled  up  without  any  interference 
of  the  people,  and  this  important  change  was  made  in  the 
F  a  ftate, 


44  RATIONALIS. 

Hate,  becaufe  of  the  intolerable  feuds  and  animofities  which 
attended  the  elections  of  reprefentatives.  Had  they  been  to 
have  chofen  a  king,  what  dangerous  and  definitive  tu- 
mults muft  it  have  produced  ?  Founded  on  the  woeful  ex- 
perience of  ages,  it  is  now  become  a  general  fixed  opi- 
nion, that  hereditary  is  preferable  to  elective  monarchy,  on 
account  of  the  terrible  diforders,  outrages,  and  confufion 
which  ufually  attend  the  election  of  a  king;  a  pregnant 
inflance  of  which,  in  our  times,  is  the  kingdom  of  Po- 
land. 

In  our  own  hiftory,  we  fee  what  was  the  effect  of  the 
much  wimed  for  Commonwealth,  after  the  death  of  the 
tyrant  Charles — it  did  not  produce  liberty — it  prefently 
ended  in  arbitrary  power.  The  moment  almoft  after  the 
reins  of  government  fell  from  Charles's  hands,  Cromwell 
took  them  up,  and  governed  the  nation  with  abfolute  fway. 

I  cannot  agree  with  the  author  of  the  pamphlet  in  opi- 
nion, that  this  is  the  time  to  declare  an  independence  of 
the  Colonies :  this  ought  to  be  the  dernier  refort  of  Ame- 
rica. Let  us  not  yet  lofe  fight  of  the  primary  object  of 
the  difpute^  namely,  a  fafe,  honourable,  and  lafting  re- 
conciliation with  Great  Britain,  until  we  are  under  a  ne- 
teffity  of  doing  it.  If  an  advantageous  accommodation  can 
be  had,  and  a  free  conftitution  for  this  country  be  eftablifh- 
ed  on  mutual  agreement  and  compact,  it  will  be  better  and 
happier  for  us.  But  if  juftice  is  ftill  denied  us,  and  we 
are  to  contend  for  liberty  by  arms,  we  will  meet  them  in 
the  field,  and  try  our  manhood  againft  them,  even  to 
fpilling  the  blood  of  every  brave  man  we  have.  Should 
the  miniftry  have  recourfe  to  foreign  aid,  we  may  poflibly 
follow  their  example  ;  and,  if  it  be  efTential  then  to  our 
fafety  to  declare  an  independence,  I  would  willingly  em- 
brace the  neceffity. 

RATIONALIS. 


